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State Historical Society 




Secretary and Superintendent of the Society 


The French Regime in Wisconsin— II 








if. 17 

Jublis^cb bo giutbantn of |tate 



Contents and Illustrations 

Portrait of Gilles Hocquart, Intendant of New France 

Officers of the Society, 1905-06 

Preface ..... 







1727: Co^cEE^-I^-G the Foxes . . . 1 

1727: Post to be established among Sioux . . 7 

1727: Missionaries fob the Sioux desire Astronomical In- 

"^ struments . . , . & 

1727: Articles of the Trading Co3Ipany fob the Post 

AMONG the Sioux . . . .10 

Commandants for the Sioux Post and Green Bay . IS 
Complaints of Louisiana . . .17 

Amariton rescues an Illinois Woman . . 18 

Officers for the Posts . . .20 

War upon Foxes determined . . .21 

The Expedition arrives among the Sioux; Fort Beau- 
harnois built . . . .22 

1728: News from the West; Expedition against the Foxes 2& 

1728: Further News from the West . . 2ft 

1728: The Foxes at Home . . . .30 

1728: Lignery's Report of the Expedition . . 31 

1728: Conditions at Detroit . . .35 

1728-29: Narrative of De Boucherville ; Captivity among the 

KicKAPOo; Hostility to the Foxes . . 36 

1729: Montbrun's Escape; Fate of the Captives . 58 

1729: Kickapoo and Mascoutin declare War upon the 

Foxes . . . , .59 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. 


























Western Indians at Montreal . 

The Foxes sue fob Peace 

The Foxes in extremities 

List of Officers serving in the Companies in Can 

ADA, with the strength OF THE TrOOPS COMPOSING 
them .... 

Expenses of Expedition of 1728 

Importance of Post among the Sioux 

Foxes attacked by their Neighbors 

Expenses of De Boucherville . 

Copper Mine on Lake Superior 

Continued Attacks on the Foxes 

Marin aids the Winnebago against the Foxes 

French and Indians gather to attack the Foxes 

River of the West rises near Lake Superior 

Copper Mines near Lake Superior 

Lignery acquitted of Misbehaviour in 1728 

Services of De Noyan 

DuBuissoN reports Condition of the Foxes 

Victory over the Foxes 

Foxes seek Allies among the Iroquois and Loup 
De Villiers defeats the Foxes 
Project of War against the Foxes 
Report of Defeat of the Foxes 
Rivalry of the English; Conditions at Upper Posts 
Treaty of the new Sioux Company 
Tranquillity in the Upper Country; Posts among 
THE Sioux and at Green Bay to be re-established 
Post of Detroit 

Conditions in the Upper Country 
Illinois attack remnant of the Foxes 
Iroquois and Huron attack the Foxes 
The King's Memoir 
Sale at Mackinac in 1728 
French Indians incited to attack Foxes and Chicka 

SAW . . , ^ 

Expenses of the Indians urged to War . 
La Ronde seeks to exploit Copper Mines of Lake StJ- 

perior . . 

Fate of the Foxes; Ltnctot and the Sioux Post 
Re-established Post at Green Bay 


1727-48] Contents and Illustrations 












Speech of the Illinois and Responses . 
Conditions at Detroit; Officers for the Posts 
Foxes attacked in their Fort at Marameg; Small- 

Letters from Upper Country intercepted; Ravages 

of Smallpox .... 

Memoir of the King . . . 

News from the West; French Indians attack the 

Hostiles .... 

The Remnant of the Foxes to be utterly destroyed 
The Illinois attack Wisconsin Indians . 
Indians of the Upper Country; Foxes; Shawnee; 

Illinois ..... 
La Ronde and St. Pierre at Chequamegon 
Sauk defend Foxes and kill the French 
The Calumet Dance; Foxes intrigue with Abenaki 
Explanation of the Affair with the Sauk 
Detroit; Need of Soldiers to garrison Upper Posts 
Punishment prepared for the Sauk; Conditions 

among Indians of the Upper Country . 
Miami in the French Interest 
Ordinance on Fur-Trade 
De Noyelle's Expedition against the Sauk and 

Foxes .... 
Copper Mines on Lake Superior 
Garrison needed at Detroit 
Reports from the Upper Country 
Census of the Indian Tribes 
La Ronde sends Specimens of Copper 
Pension for a Habitant wounded in the Fox Wars 
Condition of the Foxes and Sauk 
The King's Orders for the Upper Country 
Copper Mines; Indian Conditions 
Detroit; The Garrison should be increased 
The Sioux; Detroit . 
The Sioux Post abandoned 


AND Foxes 
War between the Chippewa and Sioux 
The Huron of Detroit desire to migrate . 
New Commandant for Detroit . 























Wisconsin Historical Collections [vol. 
















Report of Copper Mines 
Arrangements for Detroit 
The Beaver Trade . 
Memoir of La Ronde . 
New Mines near Lake Superior 
Marin pacifies the Upper Country 
The Sioux Repentant 
Wisconsin Indians at Montreal 
Conditions at Detroit 
The Detroit Huron . 
Indians at Montreal; Hostilities between Sioux and 
Foxes; Disposition of Foxes; Shawnee Migration 
Detroit, Huron, and Ottawa; Beauharnois to re- 
move the Huron; Iroquois at Montreal; Onondaga 
AND TfiTEs Plates . 
Petition of La Ronde 
Conditions in the Upper Country 
Secret Project concerning the Foxes 
Huron and T£tes Plates 
Council with the Huron of Detroit 
Indian Council at Detroit; Huron Removal 
Instructions to Chevalier De Beauharnois 
Huron of Detroit 

New Settlement for Ottawa at Mackinac 
Chevalier De Beauharnois at Detroit; Huron Re 
moval ..... 
De Noyan's Grievances; Improved Conditions at De- 
troit; English Influence; Beauharnois's Visit 
Removal of Hurons 
Ottawa refuse to remove 

Indian Wars in Upper Cuntry; Foxes and WInneba 
Gos TO return to Green Bay; Marin's Abilities 
Indians seek the English 
Removal of Ottawa of Mackinac 
Removal of Detroit Huron 
Chevalier De Beauharnois's Negotiations with the 

Detroit Huron 
Ottawa at Montreal 
Beauharnois and three Huron Chiefs 
Other Western Indians at Montreal 
Posts to be auctioned 
Settlement of Detroit Hurons; Jesuit interfebence 


1727-48] Contents and Illustrations 




Official Reports of Conditions in the Upper Country 

Blacksmiths at Mackinac 

Latest News from Western Posts 

Marin requests Leave of Absence 

Jesuits and the Detroit Huron 

Commandants of Western Posts 

Mining in Wisconsin 

Lead-mining in Wisconsin 

Policy toward Foxes and Sioux justified; Illinois 

and Chickasaw . . . . 

Expenses for the Foxes and Sioux; Marin's Services 
Tranquillity in the Upper Country; Evils of Leased 

Posts . . . . . 

Arrangements for Western Posts 
Bad Results of Leasing System at Green Bay 
Disaffection of the Indians at Detroit . 
Western Indians on the Warpath; Scarcity of Goods 
Difficulties at Western Posts occasioned by War 
Lease for the Post at Green Bay 
Revolt of Indians of the Upper Country . 
Trade at the Western Posts disarranged 
Salary of Commandants of Western Posts 
Coureurs des Bois injure Trade 
Memoir on English Encroachments 
Post at Chequamegon 
Revolt in the West spreads . 
i*unishment for conspirators . 
Importance of Illinois Settlements 
Post at Chequamegon 
Recommendations for adjustment of Western Posts 
Trade at the Western Posts; Lease System 
Western Conspiracy disintegrates 
Relations between Louisiana and Illinois 


























Wisconsin Historical Collections [vol. 



Portrait of Gilles Hocquart, Intendant of New France. From 

Suite, Histoire des Canadiens-Frangais, 11, p. 112 Frontispiece 
Carte Trac^e par le Sauvage Ochagach et autres, laquelle a 


RESENTfiEs DANS LA Carte cy aprel. Reduced facsimile 
from original MS. in Library of Dominion Parliament, 
Ottawa . . . . .102 

Bronze Sun-Dial found near Portage, Wis., 1903 . . 278 

Portrait of Charles le Moyne, Second Baron de Longueuil. 

From Suite, Histoire des Canadiens-Frangais, 11, p. 72 292 
Map of Kaskaskia Settlements. Adapted by Rev. Arthur E. 
Jones, S. J., from Thomas Hutchins's map in Topo- 
graphical Description of Virginia, etc., drafted in 1764- 
1775 . . . . .428 

[ viii ] 

OFFICERS, 1905-06 


William Ward Wight, A. M. 



Vice Presidents 

Hon. John B. Cassoday, LL. D. 
Hon. Emil Baensch . 
Lucius C. Colman, A. B. 
Hon. John Luchsinger 
Hon. Willliam F. Vilas, LL. D. 
Hon. B. F. McMillan . 

Secretary and Superintendent 

Reuben G. Thwaites, LL. D. . 



La Crosse 






Hon. Lucien S. Hanks 


Librarian and Assistant Superintendent 

Isaac S. Bradley, B. S. 

Curators, Ex-Officio 

Hon. James O. Davidson 
Hon. Walter L. Houser 
Hon. John J. Kempf . 

Secretary of State 
State Treasurer 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [vol. xvii 

Curators, Elective 

Term expires at annual meeting in 1906 

Henet C. Campbell, Esq. 
William K. Coffin, M. S. 
Hon. Lucien S. Hanks 
Rev. Patrick B. Knox 
Hon. Robert L. MoCormick 
George Raymer, M. L. 

Hon. Arthur L. Sanborn, LL. B. 
Hon. Halle Steensland 
Hon. E. Ray Stevens, LL. B. 
Hon. Nils P. Haugen, LL. B. 
Hon. AVilliam F. Vilas, LL. D. 
William W. Wight, A. M. 

Term expires at annual meeting in 1907 
Hon. Robert M. Bashford, A. M. Dana C. Munro, A. M. 
Hon. John B. C as sod ay, LL. D. William A. P. Morris, A. B. 
Hon. Jairus H. Carpenter, LL. D. Hon. Robert G. Siebecker, LL. B. 
Lucius C. CoLMAN, A. B. Herbert B. Tanner, M. D. 

Hon. Henry E. Legler Frederick J. Turner, Ph. D. 

Hon. B. F. McMillan 

Charles R. Van Hise, LL. D. 

Term expires at annual m^eeting in 1908 
Rasmus B. Anderson, LL. D. 
Hon. Emil Baensch 
Charles N. Brown, LL. B. 
Hon. George B. Burrows 
Frederic K. Conover, LL. B. 
Alfred A. Jackson, M. A. 

Hon. Burr W. Jones, A. M. 

Hon. John Luchsinger 

Most Rev. S. G. Messmer, D. C. L. 

J. Howard Palmer, Esq. 

John B. Parkinson, A. M. 

Hon. N. B. Van Slyke 

Executive Committee 

The thirty-six curators, the secretary, the librarian, the governor, the 
secretary of state, and the state treasurer, constitute the executive 



Our volume xvi was devoted to the documentary history of 
the French regime in the region of the upper Great Lakes,, 
from 1634 to 1727. The present volume is in continuation, 
thereof, being composed entirely of documents of like charac- 
ter, bearing dates 1727-1748, Englished from their French- 
originals. The period herein treated was that in which the 
French possessed the most complete control of Western terri- 
tory, and dictated every step of policy for the fur-trade posts- 
and their aboriginal allies. 

Having for a generation past been trained in subserviency 
to French traders, the savages of the ''Upper Country" had be^ 
come economically dependent on the latter, both for food and 
clothing.; Their finery, formerly simple and of domestic make^. 
now came from Paris, in the form of silver, bronze, and copper 
ornaments; they dressed in cloths, not skins; they pursued 
game and their enemies with fire-arms, rather than with arrows- 
and spears; no longer did primitive agTiculture and manufac- 
ture meet their desires; they cultivated their fields with hoes 
of iron, discarding those of wood, stone, or bone ; their currency 
was no longer clam-shell wampum, but artificial beads of French 
porcelain; and tliey had acquired a passion for the white 
man's brandy — which in Indian parlance was the ''milk" fur^ 
nished by their nourishing father, the governor of Canada. 

In return for all these French goods, the traders demanded 
peltries. To obtain these, as game fast receded before increased 
slaughter, the Indians must range farther and farther into 
the Western woods. The greed of their European masters was 
inexorable. (N'ot content with the trade that came from sup- 
plying the ordinary needs of their customers, the latter were- 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

urged and oven forced to increase the stock of furs; a full ex- 
ploitation of the resources of the wilderness was demanded, and 
it was not long, under this regime, before the aborigines had 
quite lost their independence. 

]N'o longer could they enjoy their free life of the past. At 
the commands of French officers, they abandoned their old-time 
villages, and clustered their huts and tepees around the fur- 
trading posts, which were established at centres of influence 
JJiroughout this vast territory. The chief of these were at De^- 
troit and Miackinac. The latter, a natural entrepot, was the 
earliest settlement in the Upper Country. Detroit was of later 
date, and intended not only as an agricultural station but as a 
bulwark against the machinations of the English. Of sub- 
sidiary posts, tliose at Green Bay (La Baye), and Chequamegon 
(La Pointe), in iWisconsin, were upon strategic trade routes, as 
well as in the midst of large masses of Indians. Th^e posts of 
tSt. Joseph's Riiver, Ouiatanon, and Miami, coanmandod import- 
:ant portages, and were in close relation with populous tribes of 
ibarbarians. Witliout the authority of the governor of Canada, 
nevertheless in close connection with the interests of the Upper 
Country, were the Louisiana posts of Vincennes on tlie Wabash, 
and Fort Chartres in the Illinois. 

At these several wilderness fortifications — crude but stout 
strongholds, either of logs or of stone, as situation, needs, or ma- 
terials warranted — the Jesuit missionary (or ^'black robe," as 
the savages called him), zealously shepherded his flock of dusky 
neophytes, baptized their infants, married their young, coun- 
selled the wayward, and buried their dead. All might have 
been harmony among them, had it not been for the one recalci- 
trant tribe of Renards (Foxes), who>, refusing submission to 
French paternalism', had for upwards of fifteen years embroiled 
the security of the Upj^er Country. 

^ The volume opens with a document "Concerning the Foxes," 
giving a brief sumimary of the various rebellious and punative 
expeditions up to 172Y. The Foxes are shown to be now in- 
triguing with the yet unsubjected tribes of the Sioux on the 

[ xii ] 




west, and the Ebglish-sympathizing Six Nations on the east — 
thus linking in one confederacy savages dwelling throughout the 
vast stretch from Lake Ontario to the trans-Mississippi regions ; 
and threatening by their superior numbers to overwhelm the 
French Indians. Orders were therefore dispatched from Que- 
bec to detach the Sioux from the Fox alliance on the one side; 
and by blocking the road to the Iroquois on the other to isolate 
the Foxes, and then crush them at leisure. 

The first step in this programme was to be the erection of a 
post among the Sioux. Officers and missionaries were carefully 
chosen, the equipment being furnished by a mercantile company 
formed to exploit the trans-JVIississippi. A site upon Lake 
Pepin was selected, and the construction of Fort Beauharnois 
beg-un amid showers of fireworks, of which it was written: 
"When these poor people saw the fireworks in the air, and the 
stars falling from heaven, women and children took to flight, 
and the most courageous of the men cried for mercy, and ur- 
gently asked that the astonishing play of this terrible medicine 
should be made to cease." 

With the Sioux thus awed into submission, an expedition 
designed to crush the Foxes in tlieir villages was sent out under 
the command of Marchand de Lignery. We present his official 
report, made to the French ministry, wherein he admits that his 
army of tweilve hundred Indians and four hundred and fifty 
French succeeded merely in burning a few deserted cabins and 
retiring ingloriously to Mackinac. Messengers were sent forth- 
with to Fort Beauharnois, which was hastily abandoned, part 
of its garrison, while on their way to the French fort in the 
Illinois, being captured by hostiles.. La Baye (Green Bay) 
was likewise evacuated, and for the time being the Wisconsin 
wilderness was free from Eluropean domination. 

The only recourse now left to the defeated French was to turn 
loose upon the victorious Foxes the enmity of all the neighbor- 
ing tribes, who by gradually harassing the insolent rebels and 
cutting off stragglers, might wear away their powers of resist- 
ance. This policy proved successful from the military point of 
view, but disastroiis to the fur-traffic; for small bands of trap- 

[ xiii ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [vol. xvii 

pers and traders Avere no longer safe, and energy and ammuni- 
tion formerly used in tracking beaver were perforce employed 
in hunting human Foxes. However, by the year 1729, the 
Renards were suing for peace, and the succeeding year saw them 
brought to bay. After a fierce campaign in the Lake Winne- 
bago coimtry, lasting for more than a month, the retreating 
tribes were discovered entrenched near "le Eocher," in the Illi- 
nois, attempting to cut their way eastward through hostile terri- 
tory to an asylum among the Iroquois. Messages to the Illinois, 
to Fort St. Joseph, and to Guiatanon brought out a formidable 
war party of French and Indian allies, which for twenty-nine 
days besieged the fugitives in their stronghold. Reduced at 
last to the verge of starvation, the Renards sallied forth in the 
darkness of a storm, only to be overtaken, many of them being 
massacred during the following days. It was reported to the 
French governor that ''not more than 50 or 60 men Escaped 
Without guns and Without any of the Implements for procuring 

This staggering defeat appears to have aroused a sentiment of 
pity among the savages hostile to the Renards. '*'Our tribes 
were very anxious to spare the renards' lives;" "Meanwhile it 
was Found that the Sakis were betraying us ;" "the Ouiatanons 
entered with reluctance upon the siege" — these are the signifi- 
cant reports of the French ooanmandants. The succeeding year 
Grovemor Beauhamois writes that although the blow inflicted 
on the Renards was "a heavy one, and caused the destruction of 
the majority of tliat nation, The Slaves whom those savages had 
succeeded in withdrawing from the I^atives with whom they 
Were had enabled them to make up a Village of 45 Cabins." 

Despite the covert sympathy of the attacking tribes, and the 
efforts of the Foxes to secure allies as far removed from their 
territory as the Mahican and the ilbenaki, the French cause 
again triumphed in the far West ; the Sioux post was re-estab- 
lished, and a detachment sent to re-erect that at Green Bay. 
During the progress of this latter event, occurred the unfortun- 
ate encounter — which has until now been known only through 
the tradition learned from the Langlade family — wherein a 

[ xiv ] 

1727-48] Preface 

prominent French officer was killed at La Baye. De Villiers^ 
the victor in the campaign at Le Eocher (1730), being sent to 
coimmand at La Baye (1733), incautiously and without a guard 
went to the Sauk village to demand some refugee Foxes ; a 
musket-shot killed his son at his side, whereupon De Villiers 
fired promiscuously into the crowd of savages, who in the melee 
shot him down. Even the French reports lay the blame for this 
mischance upon the rash officer himself. 

This affair had two important consequences : First, the con- 
federating of the Sauk with the Renards; second, the removal 
of the allied bands beyond the borders of Wisconsin. While 
frequently sympathizing with and secretly aiding their kins- 
men the Foxes, the Sauk had up to this time ostensibly re- 
mained French Indians. Stung by a sense of injustice, and 
by the dread of not being able to expiate the death of so promi- 
nent a French official, they now united their fate with that of 
the Foxes. Becoming thus more formidable, they withdrew 
from their old habitat at Green Bay, and sought refuge in the 
land of the Iowa, beyond the Mississippi. There they continued 
to harass French fur-traders, to cut off bands of French Indians, 
and to pursue the timid Illinois to the very gates of the French 
posts. Finally, after De N'oyelle's unsuccessful land expedition 
against them (1734), they grew more insolent, killed stray 
French voyageurs, and compelled the abandonment (1737) of 
the post among the Sioux. 

Although foiled in tlieir exploitation of the trans-Mississippi 
region, the French were, under the lead of the venturesome La 
Verendryes, discovering new . territory and building new forts 
in the far ,^orthwest, beyond Liake Superior and out towards 
Lake Winnipeg and its great tributary valleys. These explora- 
tions not being within our field, we have omitted reports con- 
cerning them, save Avhere they bear upon the history of Wiscon- 
sin and the struggle of the French with the Foxes and the 

During all the difficulties along the great Fox-Wisconsin port- 
age route through Wisconsin, Sieur de la Ronde, a French offi- 
cer of long experience, had succeeded in keeping in order the 



Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

Chippewa, resident near his post on the Bay of Chequamegon, 
and in preserving a trade rente to the Mississippi by way of 
Lake Superior and the intei'lacing rivers Bois Brnle and St. 
Croix. Information was here secured concerning masses of 
copper ore along the southern shore of the great lake. S'peoi- 
mens sent to France assayed satisfactorily, and La Ronde was 
ordered to exploit the mines. Lacking expert advice, he suc- 
ceeded in securing through the agency of the home government 
t\vo German miners, who tested the lodes at Ontonagan, Black, 
and Iron rivers and reported favorably upon their richness and 
availability. Thereupon La Ronde presented an elaborate 
memoir, detailing his past services, and proposing certaiin grants 
from tlie king to work the mines and build barques for the 
transport of the metal down the Great Lakes. These plans had, 
however, no permanent result. War breaking out between the 
Sioux and Chippewa,, the entire upper region was embroiled, 
and La Ronde died before he could secure results. 

Meanwhile an officer appeared in the West who proved him- 
self able to comimand the recalcitrant tribes and restore tranquil- 
ity in the Upper Country. This was Sieur Marin, who figures 
largely in this period of Wisconsin history. The sources of his 
influence are not clearly discernible, but probably were due to 
his tact and intimate acquaintance with aboriginal characteris- 
tics. He was out of favor at court, so that only by repeated 
expostulations and asseverations of his usefulness could the gov- 
ernor maintain this valuable official in his command. ]N"ever- 
theless he succeeded where all others failed, bringing Sioux, 
Fox, and Sauk chiefs to Montreal to sue for peace, and finally 
persuading a portion of the rebels to return to their ancestral 
seats on the upper waters of Fox River. 

But prolonged defiance by this one obstinate tribe had had its 
effect upon the loyalty of the subservient. After the strain of 
hostilities between French and English, in King George's War 
(1744-1748) had continued nearly three years, the spirit of re^ 
volt began to arise among all the allied tribes, and on every side 
the vast Indian empire of :N'ew France threatened to fall in 
ruins. A new system of leasing the posts to the highest bidder 


1727-48] Preface 

was now inangiTrated, wliichj while replenisliing the depleted 
colonial treasury, maintained a governmental monopoly of the 
Indian trade, extorting extravagant prices for the supplies that 
had become necessary to aboriginal existence. This caused 
much dissatisfaction among the natives and embarrassing con> 
parison with the freedom enjoyed by English traders, who in 
consequence could offer better prices and better goods. For 
some years the Miami had been secretly dealing with Pennsyl- 
vanians who descecaded the Ohio^ A large band now boldly de- 
parted from the French fort oji Maumee River and established 
a new village at Pickawillany, on the Great Miami, where they 
openly traded with the Flnglish who flocked thither. 

The Detroit Huron had long been restless under the enmity 
of their Ottawa and Potawatomi neighbors.. The band of chief 
]N"icolas settled at Sandusky in order to approach more nearly 
to the English settlements, and here was laid the plot for a for- 
midable conspiracy which was to surprise and miassacre the 
French garrison at Detroit. The Ottawa at Michilimackinac 
were likewise intriguing — none but the Potawatomi could now 
be trusted. However, the threatened revolt collapsed before 
doing serious harm. A premature uprising warned the Detroit 
garrison. Aniong the Miami, a few French were killed and the 
fort partially burned, but a detachment of soldiers from Detroit 
restored order and autliority. A strong convoy was shipped both 
to Mackinac and Detroit, and this show of force, coupled with 
news of the prospect of amity between England and France, 
thus bringing cheaper prices, drove tlie savages into a reluctant 
peace. The volume closes with the re-establishment of French 
control in tlie Upper Country, supplemented by plans for a 
more extensive exploitation of the posts, and for a closer affilia- 
tion with the Louisiana colony of Illinois. 

The entire series of documents, now for the first time pub- 
lished in their sequence, lays bare French paternalismi both at 
its best and its worst. The unity and harmony obtained by a 
central administration, with power to throw forces to the weak- 
est spot, secured certain military and governmental advantages ; 
on the other hand, the corruption and inefficiency of the officers, 

[ xvii ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

each throwing blame upon the shoulders of others, the depend- 
ence upon distant orders, the lack of initiative, the timiditr)^ of 
military movements, show the paralyzing effects of over-centrali- 
zation. The savages became in turn fawning and subservient, 
emasculated or sullen, reckless or rebellious. The system 
was held together simply through the energy of the governors- 
general, two of whom were administrators during our period — 
the Marquis de Beauhamois and the Comte de la Galissoniere, 
botli of them able and incorruptible. When, in the final years 
of 'New France, corruption was everywhere evident, the frailty 
of this vast continental empire became apparent; the posts of 
the Upper Cbuntry now proved a source of weakness rather than 
strength, in the life-and-death struggle with the English for the 
dominion of North America. 

Like those contained in its predecessor, the documents pub- 
lished in the present volume are for the most part transcripts 
made for the Society from the several French archives in Paris. 
In making a selection of papers to be copied, we have been 
obliged to rely chiefly upon the calendars thereof prepared by 
Joseph Marmette, commencing in 1883, with a supplement by 
Edouard Richard (1899), and published in the Reports on Cand- 
dicm Archives edited by the late Douglas Brymner. But these 
calendars, while useful as far as they go, are sometimes in- 
correct and certainly not exhaustive. Patient search throughout 
the various archives, by a scholar versed in the history of the 
Middle West, would undoubtedly reveal the existence in Paris 
of many other documents appertaining to the French regime on 
our upper lakes. 

The Paris material is supplemented by some of the same na- 
ture already printed in the New York Colonial Documerds and 
the Macalester College Contributions; we also give a few docu- 
ments Englished from Pierre Margry's Decouvertes et Etab- 
lissements de Frangais, and several appearing in early Cana- 
dian periodicals. While not claiming to be absolutely com- 
plete, it is thought that the existing material for the region of 
the :N"orthwest during the hundred and fifteen years included 

[ xviii ] 


1727-48] Preface 

within volumes xvi and xvii has now largely been exploited, as 
well as for the first time given to the public in connected form. 

We have made considerable effort to secure documents emana- 
ting from such part of Louisiana as comes within our historical 
•domain. But until a calendar has been prepared of material 
in French archives bearing upon the district of the Illinois, 
€uch an attempt is bound to be impracticable; which still fur- 
ther illustrates the necessity for a much closer examination of 
these archives, so far as they bear upon Western historical prob- 
lems, than has heretofore been possible. 

The Editor wishes to express his earnest appreciation of the 
l^aithful and sympathetic translations made for the present vol- 
ume and its predecessor by Mr. Crawford Lindsay, of Quebec, 
a widely-recognized authority on early French-Canadian terms. 
In the work of annotation and of indexing, the Editor has had 
valuable assistance throughout from Louise Phelps Kellogg, 
Ph. D., editorial assistant on the Society^s staff. 

This volume was due, in regular order of publication, some 
eighteen months ago, but congestion in the office of the State 
Printer has delayed its appearance until the present time. It 
is hoped that volume xviii, containing the remainder of such 
French papers as we have been able to obtain, together with 
other documentary material having an important bearing on 
the history of the state, may appear within the present year. 

E. G. T. 

January, 1906. 


The French Regime in 
Wisconsin— II 


[Resumg of French relations with the Foxes, from 1715 to 1728. MS. 
dated April 27, 1727, in archives of MinistSre des Colonies, Paris; 
press-mark, "Canada, Corresp. g6n., vol. 49, c. 11, fol. 564."] 

Tlie nation of the Renards has from all times been the Enemy 
of the other savage IvTations of the upper country. Those 
Savages have killed Frenchmen on various occasions. In 
accordance with representations made in 1715 on this subject 
by Monsieur the Marquis de YaudreuiP that it was absolutely 
necessary to take steps to destroy them, Orders were issued 
by the Court to act in such a manner as to maintain peace with 
them^ — ^without, however, compromising the honor of the na- 
tion — and at the same time to act as if preparations were being 
made for war; and, to that end, to gather the coureurs des 
Bois at Missilimakinao by granting them an Amnesty. 

Those savages having been guilty of disorders again th.e fol- 
lowing year, the Sieur de Louvigny was sent fromi Montreal on 
the first of May 1716 with 425 Frenchmen to proceed against 
them. He drove them into their fort and forced them to sue 
for peace on onerous conditions which he believed they would 
not accept, the chief articles whereof were: That they sjiould 

lA translation of this same document is printed under date of 1726 
in Wis. Hist. Colls., vol. xvi, pp. 463-468, taken from a copy in the 
Quebec provincial archives. We have since that publication secured 
a transcript direct from the Paris archives, which is here given as 
more exact and complete than the former version. — ^Ed. 

2 For sketch of Vaudreuil, see Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, p. 220.— E». 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

make peace with all the savage nations tributary to the King; 
That they should by force or by friendly counsel induce the 
Kicapons and the Mascoiitins, their allies, to do the same ; that 
they should give up the captives of all the I^^ations/ etc. 

Upon notice being given in 1722, by Monsieur de Vaudreuil 
and by the Commandant of Louisiana that these Renards were 
re-commencing the war, that they had attacked several French- 
men and were waging war against the Ilinois, orders were given 
Monsieur de Vaudreuil in 1723 to take suitable measures with 
the Sieur de Boisbriant, the Commandant of the Company of the 
Indies in the Ilinois country,^ to compel the Eienard nation to 
make amends for those offences and to compel them to live in 

That, on his part, he was to incite the other savages, the allies 
of France, to wage war upon the Renards and destroy them ; also 
to send some soldiers thither and to choose an experienced officer 
to go and command at la Baye and put a stop .to their disorders. 

Monsieur de Vaudreuil sent the Sieur de Lignery, a Captain.^ 
That officer, according to the report of Monsieur de Longneuil 
who was Commandant in Canada owing to the death of Monsieur 
de Vaudreuil, assembled the Chiefs of the Renards and those of 
the Sakis and Puants, their allies, at la Baye on June 7, 1726, 
and told them on behalf of the King that they must lay down 
the Tomahawk they had lifted against the Ilinois. To this they 
replied that they gave their word to keep the peace; that they 
knew the King had pity on them inasmuch as he held out his 
arms to them. The manner in Avhich their answer was given 
convinced him that they had spoken sincerely, and that there 
was reason to hope for a real and lasting peace. 

It was necessary to take measures to make such peace sure, 
and the Sieur de Lignery promised to give them an answer from 
the King in a year. 
—' — t 

1 For these events, see dociimets in Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi. — ^Ed. 

2 For sketch of Boisbriant, see Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, p. 429.— Ed. 

3 For sketch of Marehand de Lignery, see Wis. Hist. Colls., v, pp. 
113-115.— Ed. 



French Regime in Wisconsin 

1727] rrencn Keg 

The Sieur de Lignery wrote at the same time to the Sieur 
Desliettes, the Commandant of the Company in the Ilinois 
jCOuntry^ to inform him of what he had done. 

That letter states, amongst other things, that the Chiefs of 
! those three Nations are well-intentioned and are fully aware that 
they can hope for no further mercy unless they obey; that it is 
necessary to detach the Scioux nation from its alliance with the 
Kenards by leading them to expect some presents ; finally to bar 
the Renards' passage by the River St. Joseph and Detroit in the 
event of their seeking to join the Iroquois who have offered them 
an asylum. 

He says that this is what he had in view in proposing peace to 
them in order the better to overcome them should they not keep 
their word ; because, if they failed to keep it, it would be 
necessary to take the surest means to destroy them by force of 
arms, uniting the troops of both Colonies. 

He remarks that these savages are now convinced that this will 
certainly happen, and that Oliachala, the great Chief of the 
Kenards, and the other Chiefs have made their countrymen 
understand it clearly, saying: "We still hold the Frenchman 
by the hand, but if he escape us we are lost.'' 

He notifies the said Sieur Desliettes to send back the captive 
Renards, having told their Chiefs to do the same with such 
Frenchmen as they might make prisoners. 

And he adds that If all goes well in a year he will agree to 
have, at Chicagou or at le Rocher of la Biaye,^ a meeting of the 
Canadian tribes, those of Louisiana, the Ilinois and the nations 
of la Baye whom he will notify of the date of the rendezvous; 

1 Charles Henry Desliettes de Tonty, nephew of La Salle's lieuten- 
ant, Henri de Tonty, was commandant at Fort Chartres in Illinois 
from 1726-30. Other relatives by the same name (the maternal fam^ 
ily of de Tonty) were prominent in early French Illinois. See Wallace, 
Illinois and Louisiama under French Rule (Cincinnati, 1893); also 
Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, index, — ^Ed. 

2 Chicagou was an Indian site, about the same place as the present 
city of Chicago. Le Rocher is the famous rock of that name on the 
Illinois river — the document is here defective; "le Rocher de la Baye" 
should be "le Rocher ou la Baye," la Baye being the ordinary French 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

that it will be necessary to be the first on the spot, to erect a fort 
and, at the same time, determine the number of the French and 
of the savages who are to assemble there. 

Monsieur the Marquis de Beauhamois confirms the news of 
this peace, and says that it will be advantageous to make it per- 
manent in order to avoid a war which, however successful it 
might be, would be very costly to both Colonies ; That his opin- 
ion, shared by the Sieurs de Longueuil and de Lignery, is that 
the war between the Renards and the Ilinois should be termin- 
ated by means of alliances between those two nations ; that it is 
not necessary^ for that purpose, to abandon the project of detach- 
ing, if possible, the Scioux from the interests of the Renards, 
and that he will take measures with Monsieur Dupuy to send 
Missionaries to the Scioux. 

He has learned through Monsieur de Lignery that since the 
promise given him by the Eenard, Saki, and Puant Chiefs at 
la Baye to wage war no longer on the Ilinois, two bands of young 
Renards set out to avenge the death of one of their relatives; 
that the strongest of those two bands, consisting of 10 men, was 
completely defeated, 4 being killed and 4 wounded and cap- 
tured by the Ilinois; that, nevertheless, no untoward conse- 
quences will result from this affair if the latter send back to 
the Renards' Village the captives they have taken, wdth presents 
to cover the dead, according to custom ; and by that means they 
will disarm the Renards and prevent the formation of other 
bands. This the Sieur de Lignery wrote the Sieur Desliettes it 
was advisable to do. 

Monsieur the Marquis de Beauharnois sends a Memorandum 
respecting the most suitable means for making the peace a last- 
ing one. 

He proposes to grant the request privately made by Ouachala, 
the great Chief of the Renards, for a French Chief to help him 
to restrain the young men of his Village and to prevent them 
from thin king of evil designs. He suggests that it would b« 

designation for the post at Green Bay. Three places would thus be 
designated as the place for the rendezvous — Chicago, le Rocher, or 
la Baye.— Ed. 




1727] French Regime in Wisconsin 

necessary for the French officer in command at la point de Olia- 
gouamigon, on his part, to strive to get the Scionx to draw off 
from their alliance with the Eenards, and to detach them from 
the latter by presents ; also to lead the Scionx to hope that they 
will have a Missionary and some Frenchmen amongst them, as 
they have asked. He requests that the same should be written 
to the officers in Command at the Posts of Detroit and River 
St. Joseph in order that the savage nations in the vicinity of 
their Posts may be detached from the Renards through their 
efforts and may, in the event of war, bar their way and prevent 
their seeking an asylum amongst the Iroquois and other I^Tations 
whither they might wish to retreat. 

The Sieur Desliettes, who commands for the Company of the 
Indies in the Ilinois country, has written to the Sieur de Lignery 
that the Penards are suspicious and fear treachery and that the 
surest method would be to destroy them ; that he has proposed 
this to the Superior Council of ^ew Orleans, and has given 
information of it to the Company of the Indies. 

Monsieur de Beauhamois writes that this Would be the better 
expedient, but that it would be dangerous, because, if unsuc- 
cessful, there would no longer remain any chance of surprising 
the Penards and keeping them shut up in a fort as in the last 
War, and, if they should flee to the Scioux or to the Ayouets, they 
would attack the French in the upper country and it would be 
impossible to go from one Colony to the other without running 
the risk of losing one's life or of being pillaged. 

Nevertheless, if after the measures that are being taken to 
establish a lasting peace with them, they should again break their 
word, it will then be necessary to take measures conjointly with 
the nations of both Colonies to destroy them by force of arms. 

Meanwhile, it is advisable that the Sieur Des Liettes should 
make the Ilinois restore to the Penards such captives of that 
nation as they may have in their hands ; and that he should not 
follow the example of the Commandants who have preceded him, 
and who thought they would intimidate the Penards by burning 
the prisoners of their nation, — wbicb served only to irritate them 
and to make the war rage more bitterly. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

If, with such circumspection on the part of the Ilinois, the. 
Renards can be kept quiet for a year, a conference may he held 
with the Sieur Des Liettes at Chicagou or at the Rocher where 
the Chiefs of the nations of the Ilinois country and of la Baye 
may be assembled and the number determined of the rrench 
and of the savages — both from the Ilinois country and from 
Canada — who will be posted in a fort to be erected at the spot 
selected for the Rendezvous. Then, after the Treaty of peace 
with the Renards and their allies has been renewed, Oiiachala, 
the great Chief of the Renards and the war-Chiefs of the Sakis, 
Puants, Kicapoux, Maskoutins and Scioux — one from each 
of those iTations allied with the Renards — may be sent down 
to Montreal the following Summer to be questioned regarding 
their dispositions and to be informed at the same time of the 
King's intentions. 

It would then be advisable that, in the presence of those Chiefs 
and of those of the Sauteurs, Poutouatamis, Outaouais and 
other nations of the Lakes — from each of which it would also 
be advisable to send a Chief and in addition a Chief or two of 
lihe Ilinois to be witnesses of what shall be agreed upon with the 
Renards and their allies — Otiachala should publicly ask for a 
French Chief. There will be no difficulty in giving him one, 
although such is not the desire of the Commandants of the Post 
of la Baye who are no doubt opposed to this Establishment solely 
through motives of private interest which should always yield to 
the welfare of the service and of the Colony. 

Messieurs de Beauharnois and Dnpuy have learned through 
the Sieur de Lignery, Commandant at Michilimakinac, that the 
Renards are asking for a Commandant and a Missionary ; they 
told him that they were the only ones neglected and that a Com- 
mandant and a Missionary would give them sense like the others 
and would help them to restrain their young men.^ 

Father Chardon, the superior of the Missions of the upper 

iThe letters and documents of which this is a summary, were trans- 
lated and printed in Wis. Hist. Colls., iii, pp. 148-161. The spelling of 
the proper names can be corrected from the above. — Ed. 



1727] French Regime in Wisconsin 

coimtrv/ writes that, in order to compel the x^ation of the 
Kienards to keep quiet and in awe of ns, it would be advisable : 
f first, to deprive them of the refuge they have secured amongst 
the Scioux, and, to that end, prevent their being given any of 
the goods they procure in the upper country, especially at the 
posts established at la Baye des Puans and at the River St. 
Joseph, and, to do this effectively, it would be necessary to sup- 
press those two posts where trade both in Brandy and in mer- 
chandise is notorious, as the Commandants have bought those 
posts. Secondly, to bar their passage to the Iroquois. Thirdly, 
to let loose all the Savages that may wish to wage war upon 
them ; this will exhaust them to such an extent that, having noth- 
ing wherewith to defend themselves, they will be compelled to 
submit to everything, and when we shall have an establishment 
amongst the Scioux the Eenard will be obliged in spite of hiror 
self to keep quiet. Thereby, we shall be spared the expense o£ 
a co«tly War, whose success is very uncertain, inasmuch as the 
Renards have an assured refuge amongst the Scioux.^ 


[Memorandum about the Sioux, dated April 29, 1727, based on re- 
ports from Canada. The original MS. of this document is in the 
archives of the MinistSre des Colonies, Paris, where it was transcribed 
for the Society, in whose collection the transcript is preserved. Press- 
mark, "Canada, Corresp. gen., vol. 49, c. 11, fol. 576."] 

It was recommended to Messieurs de Beauharnois and 
Dupuis^ by the King's Memorial that they should do all in their 

iFor sketch of Father Chardon, see Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, p. 206. — Ed. 

2 Marginal note on MS.: "Approved, what is proposed to secure 
peace and render it stable." 

3 Charles de la Boische, Marquis de Beauharnois, was governor of 
New France from August, 1726, to Sept. 19, 1747. He was reputed 
to be a natural son of Louis XIV, was born about 1670, and trained 
for the French navy. After his service as governor of New France, 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

poAver to Make an Esta])lishm€nt among the Scionx, who have 
asked for Missionaries, and to send there a Commandant who 
wonld suit them/ However .such an Establishment seemed 
difficult to found because news was received from there last year 
that a band of Renards had killed two Frenchmen who were on 
their way thither, and that those Savages had declared that 
they would not let a single Frenchman pass to the Scioux since 
it would diminish their Trade.^ 

They write^ that it is now easier than formerly to Establish a 
Post among the Scioux. That the Sieur de Lignery who com- 

he returned to France, and was made lieutenant-general of naval 
forces, a position he held but a short time, dying in June, 1749. For 
his instructions when appointed governor of New France, see O'Cal- 
laghan ed., N. Y. Colonial Documents (Albany, 1856-58), ix, p. 956. 
The first husband of Josephine, empress of the French, was descended 
from this family. 

Claude Thomas Dupuy was appointed intendant of New France when 
Beauhamois was made governor. They became involved in disputes, 
and Dupuy having antagonized both the civil and ecclesiastical author- 
ities was recalled in September, 1728. — Ed. 

iSee Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, pp. 441, 442. — Ed. 

2 This information is to be found in the following extract from a 
letter of de Longueuil and B^gon to the French ministry, dated Quebec, 
Oct. 31, 1725: "We have been informed by a letter of the 21st of 
July last, from the Reverend Father Chardon, missionary at la Baye, 
to the Reverend Father La Chasse, superior of the Jesuits, who had 
designed that the former should begin the mission among the Sioux, 
that in addition to the five Frenchmen killed two years ago, two 
others were slain last spring, by a party of Kikapous and Renards; 
that the latter say that they will not permit the French to go to the 
Sioux, since the trade that they will carry on will considerably dimin- 
ish their o\^ti; that the allied Renards and Sioux have made an at- 
tack on the French established among the Illinois, and that they 
are so exasperated against the Illinois, that they cannot be deterred, 
nor even the Sakis who live at la Baye, from waging war upon them; 
and that all these reasons indicate the difficulty and postponement of 
the enterprise to establish a missionary and a commandant among 
the Sioux." Margry, Decouvertes et 6tablissements des Frangais 
161Jnl754 (Paris, 187G-85), vi, p. 543.— Ed. 

3 Marginal note on original MS. gives date 14th October, 1726, re- 
ferring to a previous letter of the governor and intendant. — Ed. 



French Regime in Wisconsin 

mands at Michilimakinac lias reported that the chiefs of the 

tSakis, of the Puants, and of the Renards have promised him not 

Only to put an end to the war that they were waging against the 

Ilinois, but also to induce their allies to do the same. So that 

>y sending an officer in the Spring to La pointe on Lake Su- 

jrior,we may prepare to Establish a post where we have already 

?cupied one/ And he by means of a few presents, and by 

>pening a Trade with the Savages of that Quarter, will form 

[connections, and gradually dispose those Savages [the Eenards] 

abandon the War against the Ilinois, and divert them from 

^oing to detroit as they had intended to do to seek an asylum 

long the Iroquois. 


[Letter from Marquis de Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated 
Apr. 30, 1727. Translated from a document in Quebec provincial ar- 
chives, transcribed from a MS. in Paris archives.] 

The Reverend Jesuit fathers who are to go among the Sioux, 
ask for mathematical instruments. Those which are in their 
establishment, and which belong to the King will serve their pur- 
pose until His Majesty sends others for Quebec, namely: a case 
of mathematical instruments, a dial plate of universal astronomy, 
A graduated semi-circle with the degrees indicated, a spirit level, 
a chain with stakes, and a telescope six or seven feet long, (this 
telescope does not belong to the king, but they take one from 
their establishment, and request another from the king to replace 

It would be well, Monseigneur, if they could receive these 

iPor the previous occupation of a post at "La Pointe," in Chequam- 
cgon Bay, see Wis. Hist. Colls., xiii, pp. 410, 111; xvi, p. 380. — Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

instruments by this year's ships, if this letter arrives in time for 

I have the honor to be etc. etc. 



[This agreement between the governor of Canada and certain mer- 
chants for exploiting the fur-trade, and providing expenses for the 
post among the Sioux is translated from a document dated June 6, 
1727, in Margry, Decouv. et etaM., vi. pp. 547-552.] 

Clim'lcs, marquis de Beavharnois, 'knight of the military Or- 
der of St. Louis, governor and lieutenant-general of the King in 
the whole of New France. 

In virtue of the orders addressed to us by the King's Memo- 
ran duir.i of May 14, 1726, respecting the establishment of a 
commandant and two missionaries amongst the Sioux, in com- 
pliance with His Majesty's instructions, we — in the presence of 
Monsieur de Lono'ueuil, governor of this town of MontTeal f of 

1 Margry, Decouv. et etabh, vi, p. 544, note, says that in a letter of 
Sept. 23, 1727, the governor calls to mind this request of the 
Jesuit fathers who departed in the spring for the Sioux, and that since 
then they have again asked him to request a compass with a grapho- 
rneter. — Ed. 

2 Charles le Moyne, second of the name, and first baron of Longueuil, 
was the eldest of the famous sons of the first Sieur de Longueuil, 
a Canadian colonist ennobled by the king. His most noted brothers 
were Bienville and Iberville, connected with the founding of Louisi- 
ana. Charles, as the eldest, remained in Canada. He was a man of 
ability and esteemed by his contemporaries; was adopted among the 
Iroquois and had great influence with them. He was born at Mon- 
treal, 1656; sent to France to be educated; served as an officer from 
1687-91, when he went to France to recover from a wound. Return- 
ing to Canada he served efficiently the remainder of that war, and 
In that of 1702-13; was made governor of Montreal, and served as 
acting governor of Canada 1725-26. He died in 1729.— Ed. 



1727] French Regime in Wisconsin 

Monsieur d' Aigremont, commissary-general ; and of Monsieur 
de La Corne, lieutenant of the King, at Montreal — have settled 
and deteilnined the articles of engagement demanded of the 
undersigned interested in the Sioux Company as follows, to wit : 

First Article. — ^That the trade of the whole Sioux country 
shall he granted and permitted to the undersig-ned purely and 
simply for three entire and consecutive years to the exclusion of 
all others whomsoever, so tliat nobody shall be permitted to go or 
to send one or more canoes thither without the consent of the 
said Company. And if any person, of whatsoever quality or 
condition he may be, should go there to trade, the commanding 
offiicer shall be at liberty and is even ordered to have his goods 
■confiscated and distributed in accordance with the orders we 
may deem advisable to give, and that one half of the goods so 
confiscated shall belong to the said Company. 

That the said interested parties shall not trade nor hunt in the 
■direction of Point Chagouamigon, elsewhere than in the hunt- 
ing grounds whither the Sioux go, and that on the side of la 
Baye, they shall likewise go only in the Sioux hunting grounds, 
they shall not be permitted to trade on the Ouisconsin nor on the 
portage by which they must pass to reach the Sioux, which shall 
serve as the boundary for both territories. 

Second Article. — That they shall not build forts nor houses 
equivalent to the same in the hunting grounds, but only in the 
place where the commanding officer shall establish his post. 

Third Article. — That the said interested parties shall have 
permission to send up to the Sioux country during the next two 
years such number of canoes as they may deem advisable. 
Should the prospects of the profit to be gained in the trade be- 
come greater, in order to induce them to increase the quantity of 
goods and the number of canoes to be sent thither, the share at 
present owned by each of the associates shall be increased in the 
same proportion as general increase of the whole trade. Thus, 
if the trade which at present employs nine canoes should after- 
wards employ twelve, each one may increase what he had at the 
beginning by one fourth. 

Fourth Article. — That at the expiration of three years they 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

shall be given the preference over the highest and last bidder. 
If the trade be given to the highest bidder, or if we should deem 
advisable to fix the price ourselves, they shall have the preference 
over all others if they wish to accept. 

Fifth Article. — Should they be stopped on the way in the 
country of the Eenards or beyond, or should tbey, when tbey 
reach the Sioux country, be compelled by superior force to return 
this year, they shall be permitted to trade their goods wherevei^ 
they think proper, under the orders of the commanding officer, 
who shall have power to decide the destination of each one in 
?uch manner as he may deem most expedient for the welfare of 
the King's service and that of the Colony. 

Sixth Article. — That all of the said interested parties who 
may be compelled thereto through illness or domestic reasons, 
shall be at liberty to abandon the trade and to return to it before 
the expiration of the three years, in such manner nevertheless 
that no one shall leave the Sioux country without the expresa 
permission in writing of the commanding officer. 

Seventh Article. — That no associate shall transfer his share 
either wholly or partially except to persons of good character, 
free from scandal of every kind and who will not interpose any 
obstacle to the establishment of Religion amongst that great 
number of barbarous peoples, so that God's blessings may rest 
on their persons and trade. 

Eighth Article. — That all the associates without exception and 
all persons in their employ shall be forbidden to absent them- 
selves from the fort that is to be built, for the purpose of hunt- 
ing, without the express permission of Monsieur the com- 

Ninth Article. — That the said interested parties bind them- 
selves to leave in the fort next spring two men per canoe, making 
eighteen men not including the servants of Messieurs the offi- 
cers; and those of the missionaries, and that they may employ 
the other voyageurs in conveying their furs to Montreal and in 
bringing back goods therefrom ; this shall likewise apply to the 
last two years. 

Tenth Article. — That when they shall leave the said post they 


1727] French Regime in Wisconsin 

shall be at liberty to sell the houses they may have built for them- 
selves and on their private account. 
i In return for the above concessions the said interested parties 
undertake : 

1. To build a fort of stakes, a chapel, a house for the com- 
manding officer, and one for the missionaries in such place and in 
such manner as may be ordered by the commanding officer, 
whom they promise to obey and listen to in everything he may 
command them for the King's service, the discipline of the post, 
and the welfare of the Colony. 

2. They further undertake to have conveyed free of cost from 
here to the Sioux country whatever may be given them either for 
the commanding officer or for the missionaries to the extent of 
600 pounds weight per canoe, namely : 300 pounds weight for the 
commandant and as much for the missionaries ; this shall be so 
<jonstrued that the canoe carrying the officer shall not be included, 
for this year only, in the number of those that will have to carry 
600 pounds weight, neither shall the canoe in charge of the 
officer second in command, and the two canoes carrying the two 
missionaries with their provisions, chapel, and beds shall each 
carry 300 pounds weight; 

3. During the following years, they shall be absolutely bound 
to cause to be conveyed into the said Sioux country, to the fort 
to be built there, and to the house of the commanding officer pro- 
visions and other necessary and useful articles to the extent of 
1,350 pounds weight for each of the last two years. But should 
the trade not be successful and should it be possible to send down 
only a small number of canoes, then and in such case they shall 
be bound to carry only 1,000 pounds weight for the commanding 
officer ; 

4. They likewise undertake to cause to be conveyed from 
Montreal to the said Sioux country, to the missionaries' house, 
whatever may be given them for the latter in each of the said 
years to the extent of 1,000 pounds weight, whether many canoes 
<x>me here or not ; 

5 They further undertake to purchase three or four extra 
canoes when they reach Michilimakinak in order the more easily 

[ :t;i ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

to traverse the Eiver of the Eenards and that of Ouisconsing^ 
and to carry in such canoes 600 pounds weight for the mis- 
sionaries, and also to convey the said goods to the weight of 600 
pounds from Missilimakinak to the Sioux country, not including 
the sacks of Indian corn which they undertake to carry for the 
subsistence of the said missionaries, not only in this first year 
but in those following. 

Finally it is agreed with one of the associates, named Fran- 
gois Oampeau, that he shall be at liberty to work at his trade of 
blacksmith for all who may wish to employ him and pay him 
therefor; in consideration whereof the said Campeau undertakes 
to give to the said Company for each of the said three years, the 
sum of 400 livres in furs or in coin at his option and in addi- 
tion to provide free of charge thirty screws [Fr. vices; vis?] or 
the equivalent thereof in primers [Fr., grain'].^ 

All the associates have agreed to everything above set forth 
and have consented that if any of them shall infringe any of the 
above articles he shall be severely punished and deprived of all 
his rights. 

And, after reading the articles of demands and undertakings 
above set forth the said associates of the Sioux Company have 
consented to carry out everything therein contained, and have 
accepted and agreed to all the charges and conditions therein 
stipulated, for the fulfilment whereof they have all signed with 
us, and also the above named. 

Done at Montreal, this sixth day of June one thousand seven 
hundred and twenty seven. 

Signed: Beauharnois, Longueuil, La Come, d' Aigremont, 
Saint George Dupre, Youville, Pierre Daillay,^ Marin, Etienne 
Petit, Garrau,^ Frangois Campeau, Frangois du May, Pierre 

lyices. Phonetically, this would be vis (screws). All whom I have 
consulted agree on this. If the word be vis, I should say that it means 
the special screws required for the flint-locks of the guns of the period. 
In that case, grains would mean primers. However, this is merely con- 
jecture. — Crawford Lindsay, translator. 

2 Given as Dumay, in Supplement to Canadian Archives, 1899, p. 132, 
where this document is calendared. — Ed. 

sGarreau, IMd. — Ed. 


1727J French Regime in Wisconsin 

\ . . 

Richard, Jean Baptiste Boucher de Monthrun, Francois Boucher 
, de Montbrun and Jean Garran.^ 


[Extract of a letter from the Marquis de Beauharnois and Monsieur 
Dupuy2 to the French Minister, translated from a document published 
by Margry, Dccouv. et ctdbl., vi, pp. 545, 546.] 

Quebec, September 25th, 1727. 

You recommend me also, Monseigneur, to give great care to 
sending one or two missionaries among the Sioux. The Eev- 
erend Jesuit Fathers, of whom I have requested two for this 
pur]'X)se, have assigned them, and they departed last spring.^ It 
was necessary, on account of the condition of affairs with regard 
to the Renards (which, we have had the honor to report to you, 

iMost of these men were natives of Canada, and inhabitants of 
Montreal. The two Bouchers de Montbrun seem to have been the 
leaders in the enterprise. They were sons of Ren6 Jean Boucher, 
seigneur de Montbrun, and in 1729 commandant of the mlilitia for 
all the "southern coast" of New France. It is probable that Marin 
was the man of that name who played so conspicuous a part in the 
Fox War. See p. , vost. — ^Ed. 

2 So in Margry, but internal evidence proves it to be from Beauhar- 
nois only. — Ed. 

3 These were Guignas and De Gonnor. Michel (or Louis Ignace) 
Guignas was born in 1681, and entered the Jesuit order in 1702. Four- 
teen years later he came to Canada, and was sent to the Ottawa mission 
at Mackinac. Chosen by his superiors to undertake the new mission 
to the Sioux in 1727, several accounts of his adventures are extant 
(see post). The fort being abandoned in 1728, on account of the Fox 
war, Guignas was captured by Wisconsin Indians, and narrowly es- 
caped death at the stake. He was again at the Sioux post (1732-37), 
and returning to Quebec in 1740, died there in 1752. 

Nicolas (or Flavin) de Gonnor accompanied Guignas to the Sioux 
fort. He returned to Quebec with La Perriere in 1728, and was after- 
wards stationed at the missions of Sault St. Louis and Lorette, dying 
at Quebec in 1759, aged 68 years.— Eu. 

[ 15 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

Monsieur Dupuy and myself, in reply to a Memoir of the King) 
to have these two missionaries accompanied by a certain number 
of Frenchmen, both to put them in a position to defend them- 
selves in case of war, and also to work with more diligence upon 
the post, which it is necessary to make for the safety of these 

I made an agreement with the voyageurs who conveyed them, 
according to which they are charged with all the expenses, as 
you will see by the copy of the agreement, which I have the honor 
to send you. 

It was necessary, also, Monseigneur, for discipline and good 
order, to place at the head of this detachment a wise and dis- 
interested officer. The Reverend Jesuit Fathers urgently re- 
quested Sieur de la PerriererBoucher,^ whom I had appointed, 
in conformity with the orders that you had addressed to Mon- 
sieur le baron de Longueuil, to go to la Baye instead of Sieur 
de La ISToue," whom you had designated to relieve Sieui' Am^ari- 
ton. I could not send Sieur de La J^oue to this post for the 
reasons which I have formerly written, and because of the repre- 
sentations made to me since my arrival by the Jesuit Fathers, 
who assured me that this officer, although a very capable and 
worthy subject, had the misfortune not to be acceptable to the^N'a- 
tions of that post and to be distrusted by the tribe of the Re- 
nards, their allies. Is'either could I refuse the request of tlie 
Reverend Jesuit Fathers for the sieur de la Perriere to under- 

iRene Boucher, Sieur de la Perriere, one of the sons of Sieur Pierre 
Boucher de Boucherville, governor of Trois Rivieres, was born in 
1668, and died in 1742. He was a noted French officer, and commanded 
one division of the expedition that attacked Haverhill, Mass., in 1708. 
In 1715 he had been sent among the Sioux to try and detach them 
from the Renard alliance. The two leaders of the trading-company, 
the Montbruns, were his nephews. — Ed. 

2Zacherie Robertel, Sieur de la Koue, born in 1665, was in command 
of the post at Kamanistigoya, north of Lake Superior, from 1717*21. 
Possibly the reason he was so unacceptable to the tribes at La Baye 
was, because he had instigated the Cristinaux and other northern tribes 
to attack the Sioux, allies of the Foxes. See also, Wis. Hist. Colls., 
xvi, p. 440. — Ed. 

[ 16 ] 


1727] French Regime in Wisconsin 


ke the Sioux establishment. Under these circumstances, I was 
oblig-ed to send sieur Duplessis^ back to la Baye, whei'e he bad 
been stationed by Monsieur de I^ngueuil, before he received 
your orders, but I count on being able to relieve him! next spring, 
he liim&elf having requested of me permission to return to his 

Mm T 


[Extract of a letter from Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated 
Sept. 25, 1727. MS. in archives of Ministdre des Colonies, Paris; 
press-mark, "Canada, Corresp. gen., vol. 49, c. 11, fol. 132."] 

MoxsETGXEui^ — I believe that it is my duty to have the 
honor to inform you that every year there come into this Colony 
people from M'issisipy, who descend to Montreal and Quebec in 
order to go to France, and likewise the French of Canada pasa to 
the Mississipy, of whom there is no more information, both 
classes Without passports. This gives rise to great abuses and 
rascalities on the part of those who pass from one colony to the 
other, without paying the merchants, who have lent them mer- 
chandize in good faith and who hear nothing more of them; 
It is to remedy these abuses that I have undertaken, Monseig- 
neur, to beg you to give orders to the commandant of Louisiana 
to arrest all the French of Canada who go to the Missisijjy 
Without being furnished with a Passport, and to give me notice 
of it; I only Hope that you will find it satisfactory that I shall 
do the same for the French of the Missisipy, who come to this 
Colony without a Passport ; 

I have the honor to be with a very profound respect, Mon- 

seigneur, Your very humble and very obedient servant 

Quebec, September 25th, 1727. 

iFrangois Lefebre, Sieur Duplessis-Fabert, was in command at La 
Eaye in 1T2G. In a list of Canadian officers drawn up in 1736, he la 
thus described: "Age, 45 to 50. Precise. Clever. Few friends. Ca- 
det, 1698; Ensign, 1700; Lieutenant, 1714; Captain, 1727."— Ed. 

2 [17] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [vol. xvii 


[Letter of Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated, Oct. 24, 1727, 
with an enclosure dated Oct. 15, 1726. MS. in archives of Minist§re 
des Colonies, Paris; press-mark, "Canada, Corresp. g6n., vol. 49, c. 11, 
fol. 164 ff."] 

MoNSEiGNEUK — The Sieur Amariton^ has brought me an 
Extract from a letter of Monsieur de Liette, which will be added 
to my packet, whereby you will see, Monseigneur, that that 
officer incurred considerable expense in ransoming an Ilinois 
.woman who was tied to the stake to be burned. I had given 
Monsieur the Intendant a Statement of the expense and the 
certificates of the Missionary fathers to be annexed to the Joint 
letter. I told the Sieur Amariton to see Monsieur Dtipuy to 
have the joint letter made out thereon. He came to tell me that 
Monsieur the Intendant would write privately and that I should 
do the same on my part I have read, Monseigneur, the original 
of Monsieur de Liette's letter. 

I have the honor to be with very profound respect, Monseig- 

neur, Your very humble and very obedient servant. 

Quebec, October 24th, 1727. 

As we have no news of the Sioux detachment, everybody 
believes that it has passed. 

Extract from a Letter written hy Monsieur de Liette, captain 
and commandant at fort de chastre^ in the ilinois country, to 
Monsieur de Lignery, captain in Canada and commandant gevr 
eral of the savage countries, dated October 15, 1726. 

iFrangois Amariton, captain in the colonial troops, had been com- 
mandant at Green Bay, 1723-26. See Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, for his 
career at this place. — ^Ed. 

2 Fort Chartres was originally built in 1720 by Boisbriant as a cen- 
tre for defense in the Illinois country, on a site a mile east of the 
Mississippi, and about sixteen miles northwest of Kaskaskia. This 
first fort was of the ordinary stockade kind, replaced (1753-56) by 

[ 18 ] 

"1727] French Regime in Wisconsin 

I represented with praise to the illinois nation the kindness 
displayed by monsieur Amarition in Ransoming the Illinois 
voman who passed as The wife of michel aco/ and the large 
uantity of goods it cost him to save her from the fire, but it 
as in vain. Those savages are ungrateful beings who think 
ne is obliged to do what one does for them. It is nevertheless 
sad thing that that captain should have incurred so heavy an 
pense. It should be paid by The company, to which I have 
■written. I ho'pe it will produce some effect but I have difficulty 
in believing it. It is harder to obtain repayment from The 
company than I from the king.^ If peace were concluded, I 
think that monsieur damariton might be able with The cer- 
tificates of the reverend Jesuit fathers and of the French, to 
obtain some repayment. I should like, with all my heart, to 
be of some use to Him in this. If he thinks I can be^ let him 
tell me in what manner and I will do everything in my power. 
True copy of the original which is in my hands, 

De Ligneei. 

an immense stone fortiflcatiou which cost nearly $1,000,000. This lat- 
ter was surrendered to the English in 1765. Nine years later. Fort 
Chartres was undermined by the Mississippi, and had to be aban- 
doned. See "Old Fort Chartres" in Mason, Chapters from Illinois 
History (Chicago, 1901).— Ed. 

1 Michael Accault (Aco) accompanied Hennepin on his voyage of 
discovery in 1680, probably as chief of the party sent out by La Salle. 
He settled among the Illinois, and married the daughter of a Kaskas- 
kia chief; their child was baptized in 1695. This woman rescued 
by Amariton was evidently the same person. — Ed. 

2Desliettes refers to the Company of the Indies, for whose history 
see Wis. ffist. Colls., xvi, p. 440, note. — Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 


[Extract from, a letter from the French minister to the Intendant 
Dupuy, dated May 14, 1728. MS. in archives of MinistSre des Colo- 
nies, Paris; press-mark, "Canada, Corresp. gen., vol. 50, c. 11, fol. 464.] 

Monsieur — • 


If he [Beauhamois] has not coQSTilted you in regard to the 
recall of some Officers from the posts and to the choice of those 
who were to replace them, it is hecanse he alone has the power 
to order such changes and destinations. I am nevertheless con- 
vinced that had the accord between you been such as his Majesty 
had ordered, He would not have failed to communicate such 
Views to you, not only as regards the trade at those posts but 
also in order to have your advice/ You would have acted as 
he has. done in similar circumstances, and it is not without 
reason that His Majesty had recommended you to live on good 
Terms, inasmuch as discordant conduct is always opposed to 
the good of his Service and the welfare of the Colony. 

With Kegard to the Sieur de la Eonde, I am writing to 
Monsieur de Beauharnois to recall him from the post where he 
is and not to give him any other under any pretext whatsoever. 
I am also sending him a Copy of the two documents which you 
have discovered in connection with his conduct during his 
journey to Boston in 1723, without informing him by whom 
that discovery was made." You will be pleased to send me the 
two Originals on the return of Monsieur the Comte Des Gouttes 
who commands the store-ship TElephant. Should you, in the 
future, make any similar discoveries respecting other Officers, 
you will be careful to inform me of the same. 

You will see, by what his Majesty writes to Monsieur de 

1 Beauharnois and Dupuy were not in accord, and the latter was 
recalled in September of this same year. — Ed. 

2 For this expedition of La Ronde, see his memoir, post. He suc- 
ceeded in clearing himself of the charges, since Beauharnois appointed 
him to La Pointe de Chequamegon, a post which he held for many 
years. — Ed. 


il28] French Regime in Wisconsin 


^eaiiharnois and you jointly, what his views are regarding the 

farming of the posts, which must be carefully considered. 

You will also see by the same despatch what his Intentions 

are with reference to the post established by the English at 

Choiiegan [Oswego]. 


I remain, Monsieur, Your very humble and very obedient 

Versailles, May 14th, 1728. 


[Extract of a memoir from the king to the governor and intendant 
of New France, dated at Versailles, May 14, 1728. N. Y. Colon. Docs., 
ix, pp. 1004, 1005.] 

According to the intelligence his Majesty had received re- 
specting the negotiation of peace between the Illinois and Foes 
Indians, he had reason to believe that it was on the eve of being 
concluded, and has been much surprised to learn, not only that 
it had been broken off, but still more, that Sieur de Beauharnois 
had determined on making war on the Foxes. ^ His Majesty 
is persuaded of the necessity of destroying that l^ation, as it 
cannot keep quiet, and as it will cause, so long as it exists, both 
trouble and disorder in the Upper country ; but he should have 
wished that such a step, the success whereof is problematical. 
had been postponed until his orders had been received. It is 
even to be feared that the project may not have been so secret 
as that the Indians have not been informed of it. In this case, 
if they foresee their inability to resist, they will have adopted 
the policy of retreating to the Scioux of the Prairies, from 
which point they will cause more disorder in the Colony than 
if they had been allowed to remain quiet in their village. 

iFor Beauhamois's change of plan, see Wis. Hist. Colls., iii, pp. 161- 
165.— Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

Possibly, even the other l^ations, who have been apparently 
animated against the Foxes, will be touched at their destruction, 
and become more insolent should we not succeed. As the expe- 
dition is apparently organized at present, his Majesty has been 
graciously pleased to allow the 60 m." demanded by Sieurs de 
Beauhamois and Dupuy,^ for the expenses of that war, newa 
of the success of which will be expecting [expected] with im- 


[Relation of the voyage by Father Guignas, in a letter to Beauhar- 
nois, dated at the mission of the Archangel St. Michael, Fort Beauhar- 
nois, in the Sioux Country, May 29, 1728. Translated from a tran- 
Bcript made in Paris for St. Mary's College, Montreal. Also given in 
Margry, Becouv. et etab., vi, pp. 552-558.] 

The convoy for the Sioux departed from the end of Montreal 
Island, last year, on the 16th of the month of June, toward 
eleven o'clock in the morning, and reached Michilimakinac on 
the 22nd of the month of July. This post is 251 leagues from 
Montreal, almost directly west, in 45° 46' North latitude. We 
spent the rest of the month at this post, hoping from day to day 
to receive some news from Montreal, and for the purpose of 
strengthening ourselves against the pretended extreme diffi- 
culties of securing free passage through the country of the 
Renards. Finally, as nothing was seen, our journey was re- 
sumed on the first of the month of Augvist ; and, after 73 leagues 
of prosperous navigation along the Northern shore of lake 
Michigan, running towards the Southwest, we reached la Baye 
on the 8th of the same month, at half past 5 o'clock in the 

That post is in 44° 41' north latitude; a halt of two days 
was made there, and on the morning of the 11th we embarked, 
as we were very impatient to arrive among the Eenards. 

iSee Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, pp. 476, 477.— Ed. 

[ 22 ] 


1728] French Regime in Wisconsin 

' On the third day after the departure from la Baye, very late 
in the evening, even somewhat far into the night, the chiefs of 
the Piiants^ came out three leagues from their village to meet 
the French, with their peace calumets and with refreshments of 
bear's meat. On the next day, the French w^ere received by 
this nation, now very small in numbers, to the sound of several 
discharges of musketry, and amid great demonstrations of joy. 
They asked us with so good grace to do them the honor of 
spending some time among them, that the rest of the day was 
granted them, from noon until the following night. There may 
be in this village 60 or 80 men in all; but all, both men and 
women, are very tall and well-built. They are upon the borders 
of a very pretty little lake, in quite an agreeable place, both 
for situation and for the good quality of the soil, at 14 leagues 
from, la Bayc and 8 leasrucs from the Eenards. 

F'arly the next morning, the 15th of the month of August, 
the convoy set out in fairly good weather to continue on its way, 
but a storm having arisen in the afternoon, we arrived quite wet 
and while the rain was still falling, at the cabins of the Renards, 
a nation so dreaded and really very little to be dreaded, to judge 
from all appearances. It is composed of 200 men at the most; 
but there is a nursery-garden of children, especially of boys 
between ten and fourteen years old, well made and sturdy. 

Their cabins" are upon a little eminence on the banks of a 
small river which bears their name, very winding or sinuous, 
so much so that one is continually making the entire turn of 
the wheel of the compass there. It is, however, quite broad in 
appearance, lying between a chain of hills upon each side ; but 
there is only one miserable little channel amid this apparent 
extent of bed, which is a kind of swamp filled with rushes and 
wild rice of an almost impenetrable density. They have only 
simple cabins of bark without any sort of palisade or other 
fortification. When the French canoes touched their shores, 

1 French name for the Winnebago Indians. See Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, 
index. — ^Ed. 

2 For the location of the Fox village, see Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, p. 
39, note. — Ed. 

[ 23 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

ttey ran down with their peace calumets lighted in spite of the 
rain, and everybody smoked. 

We sojourned among them the rest of this day and all the 
next, to learn their intentions and sentiments regarding the 
French establishing themselves among the Sioux. Sieur 
Eeaume/ interpreter of the languages of the Indians at la Baye, 
acted with zeal and devotion to the King's service. Even if my 
testimony, Monsieur, should not be deemed impartial, I must 
have the honor of telling you that the Eieverend Father Chardon, 
an old missionary, w^as of very great service there : and the pres- 
ence of the three missionaries, who were there, reassured these 
cut-throats and assassins of the French more than all the dis- 
courses of the best orators would have done. A general council 
was called together in one of their cabins ; we spoke to them civ- 
illy and amicably. On their part they gave us some rather fine 
sides of dried meat. 

Early in the morning of the following Sunday, the 17th of 
the month of August, Father Chardon departed with Sieur 
Keaume to return to la Baye, and the company of the Sioux, 
greatly rejoicing at having passed with so much ease over this 
obstacle that had been everywhere represented as so formidable, 
got under way to try and reach their destination. 

Kever w^as there a more tiresome voyage made than this that 
followed on account of the uncertainty regarding the route. 
"No one knew it, and we were continually going astray both by 
water and by land for lack of guides and pilots. We continued 
to grope our way, as it were, for a week; for we did not arrive 
until the ninth, towards three o'clock in the afternoon, by pure 
chance (believing ourselves still far away) at the portage of the 
Ouisconsin, which is forty-five leagues from the Renards, count- 
ing the length of the turnings and windings of this wretched 
river. This portage is half a league long, the half of it being 
only a sort of swamp full of mud. The Onisconsin is quite a 
pretty river, but far inferior to what has been said of it ; prob- 
ably those who gave a description of it in Canada had only seen 

1 Pierre Reaume was Fox interpreter in 1718. Ihid, p. 377. — Ed. 

[ 24 ] 

1728] French Regime in Wisconsin 

it at higli water in spring. It is a shallow river upon a bed of 
shifting sand which forms banks almost everywhere, which 
often change place. The shores are either bare and rugged 
mountains or low points with a foundation of sand. Its course 
from the portage is from I^orth East to South West. To its 
discharge into the Mississipi I have estimated the distance at 
thirty-eight leagues. The portage is in 43° 24' North latitude. 
The Mississipi from the mouth of the Oiiisconsin upwards 
flows from the ITorth West. This beautiful river is spread out 
between two chains of high mountains, barren and very sterile, 
regularly distant from each other one league, three quarters of 
a league, or half a league where it is the narrowest. Its centre 
is occupied by a chain of islands well wooded, so that in looking 
at it from the top of the heights, one would imagine that one 
was looking at an endless valley watered on right and left by 
two immense rivers. Sometimes also one does not see any 
river, for these islands are overflowed every year and are suit- 
able for raising rice. At 58 leagues according to my estimate, 
from the mouth of the Oiiisconsin, in going up the Mississipi, 
is lake Pepin, which is nothing else than this river itself stripped 
of islands in this place, where it may be half a league wide. 
The part of this river that I have traveled over is not very deep, 
and has shallow water in several places, because its bed is of 
shifting sand like that of the Oiiisconsin. 

On the 17th of September, 1727, at noon, we reached this 
lake, which had been chosen as the end of our voyage. We 
established ourselves towards evening about the middle of the 
!N'orthern shore upon a low point whose soil is excellent. The 
woods were very dense there, but they are already thinned on 
account of the rigor and length of the winter, which has been 
severe for the climate, for we are here in latitude 43° 51'.^ It 
is true that the difference in the winter is great compared with 
that of Quebec and Montreal, whatever certain poor judges may 

iShea, Early Voyages up and down the Mississippi (Albany, N. Y., 
1861), has 43° 41', but all other authorities give 51'. The true latitude 
is about 44° 31'.— Ed. 

[ 25 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

say of it. The day after landing axes were applied to the trees 
and four days later the fort was entirely finished.^ It is a plat of 
gronnd a hundred feet square surrounded by stakes twelve feet 
high with two good bastions. For such a small space there are 
large buildings, detached and not crowded, each 30, 38 and 25 
feet long by 16 feet wide. All would go well there if the place 
was not subject to inundations ; but this year, on the 15th of the 
month of April, we were obliged to go and camp outside and the 
water roso in the houses to the height of two feet eight inches ; 
and it is useless to say that it was the quantity of snow that fell 
this year. The snow about the fort was melted a long time be- 
fore ; and there was certainly not more than a foot and a half 
from the 8th of February until the 15th of March ; all the rest of 
the winter one could not- have used snowshoes. I have good rea- 
son for believing that this place is inundated every year. I al- 
ways had the same opinion of it ; but they were not obliged to 
believe me, because old people who said they had lived here fif- 
teen or twenty years asserted that it was never inundated. We 
could not re-enter the rather dilapidated houses until the 30th of 
the same month of April, and even today the damages are hardly 

Before the end of October all the houses were finished, ,and 
furnished; and everyone found himself lodged peacefully in 
his own home. Nothing was thought of then but to go and 
reconnoitre the neighboring districts and rivers, to see those 
herds of fallow-deer of all species of which they tell such tales 
in Canada. They must have disappeared or have greatly 
diminished since the time these former travelers left the coun- 
try. They are no longer in such great numbers, and it is hard 
to kill any. 

After having wandered about the country for some time 
everybody returned to the fort, and only thought of enjoying 
for a little the fruits of their labors. On the 4th of the month 
of INTovember it was not forgotten that this was the fete day of 

1 For the location of Fort Beauharnois, see Wis. Hist. Colls., x, pp. 
S02, 371.— Ed. 


1728] French Regime in Wisconsin 

Monsieur the General. Holy Mass was said for him in the 
morning, and we were much inclined to celehrate the holiday in 
the evening; but the slowness of the Pyrotechnist, and the 
changeableness of the weather caused the celebration to be post- 
poned until the 14th of the same month, when some very fine 
rockets were fired off and the air was made to resound with a 
hundred shouts of "Long live the King," and "Long live Charles 
•de Beauharnois." It was on this occasion that the wine of the 
Sioux was made to flow, and it was most excellent, although there 
are no finer vines here than in Canada. What contributed 
much to the amusement was the terror of some cabins of Indians 
who were then around the fort. When these poor people saw 
the fireworks in the air and the stars falling from heaven, 
women and children took to flight, and the most courageous of 
the men cried for mercy, and urgently asked !that the astonishing 
play of this terrible medicine should be made to cease. 

As soon as we had arrived among them they assembled in a 
very few days around the French fort to the number of 95 
cabins, which would amount in all to 150 men, for there are 
at the most two men each in their portable cabins of dressed 
skins, and in many there is only one. These were all that we 
have seen, except a band of about 60 men who came on the 26th 
of the month of February and were of those Nations that are 
called the Sioux of the Prairies. At the end of l^ovember the 
savages departed for their winter quarters. It is true that they 
did not go far away and that there were always some to be 
seen during the winter. But since the 2nd of last April, when 
several cabins of them repassed here to go to their spring hunt- 
ing, none of them have been seen. One canoe of ten men, 
detailed to go and find them, looked for them, in vain for a week 
even for more than sixty leagues up the Mississipi; it arrived 
yesterday without hearing any tidings of them. 

Although I have said that the Sioux were alarmed at the 
rockets, which they took for new phenomena, it must not be 
supposed from that [that] they are less intelligent than other 
Indians we know. 

They seem to me more so, at least they are apparently much 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

gayer and more open and far more dexterous thieves, great 
dancers and great medicine men. The men are almost all large 
and well made; but the women are very ugly and disgusting, 
which does not however check debauchery among them, and is 
perhaps an effect of it.^ 



[Extract of a letter from Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated 
Aug. 4, 1728. MS. in archives of ministSre des Colonies, Paris; press- 
mark, "Canada, Corresp. g^n., vol. 50, c. 11, fol, 132."] 

MoNSEiGNEUR — I liavc the honor to Send you Extracts from 
several Letters written from the upper country (respecting the- 
Renards), which I have received since my return to quebec. 
They will Show you, Monseigneur, the dispositions of those sav- 
ages toward the French and that the ISTews they have Had of the 
war that is to be waged against them has not made Them abandon 
their village as was At first stated. I augur very favorably, Mon- 
seigneur, for that Undertaking, having received l^ews that they 
were divided into Two parties one of Which claims never to 
have killed any French and' those of the other, according to 
appearances, have Convicted themselves. Their forts are said 
to be at a distance of a League from one another. 

iThe last two paragraphs are wanting in the Montreal MS. and 
the one in Margry, vi, pp. 552-558, which were both transcribed from, 
the Colonial archives in Paris. They are supplied from Shea's trans- 
lation (op. cit.), who says that this letter was preserved "among, 
the papers of the Geographer Buache, and now in the possession of 
Mr. Brevoort." The preceding paragraph in Shea, is mutilated and 
Imperfect; either he translated incorrectly, or the MS. he used was- 
an imperfect transcription. — ^Ed. 

2 This expedition, determined on by Beauharnois, left Montreal June^ 
5, 1728. Tlie standard account is that of Crespel, the French chaplaiiit 
of the expedition. See Wis. Hist. Colls., v, pp. 86-91; x, pp. 49-53. 
For the result of the expedition, see letters of Lignery and Beau- 
harnois, Wis. Hist. Colls., V, pp. 92-95. — Ed. 



H f 172S] French Regime in Wisconsin 

B f I have the honor to be with very profound respect, Monseig- 

neur, Your very humble and very obedient servant, 

^ Beauhaenois* 

Quebec, August 4th, 1728. 

The fact of the Scioux having been killed is an important 
item in this matter. This news is all the more welcome since 
among them was the asylum whither it was thought they would 

Monsieur Desliettes^ had not Yet, on April 12, received 
^ews Of the co-operation [desired of him] but As The delay 
in sending my Letter was due solely to the Illness of Monsieur 
de Vincennes who was not among the Ouyatamons,^ There is 
fiome appearance of his having been notified of it before the 
•end Of the same Month ; They will in any case have plenty of 
time to effect the Junction. 


[Letter from the governor to the French Minister. Source, same 
as that of preceding document, but vol. oO, c. 11, fol. 135.] 

MoNSEiGNEUR — I have the honor to Send You an Extract 
from the ]N^ews received from the upper countries. Monsieur 

1 For the letter of Beauharnois requesting the co-operation of Des- 
liettes, see Wis. Hist. Colls., iii, p. 163. — Ed. 

2 Francois Margaue de la Valtries, Sieur de Vincennes, was born in 
1672, and in 1719 succeeded his uncle, Jean Baptiste Bissot as the 
seigneur of Vincennes, also in his position among the Miami Indians. 
For this reason the identity of the two men is often confused- The 
junior Vincennes founded the post on the Wabash, called by his name, 
probably about 1727, at the instigation of Perier, governor of Louisiana, 
in order to counteract English influence among the Miamis. Vincennes 
led the Miami contingent in the unfortunate Chickasaw expedition 
in 1736, being captured and burned to death at the stake. The 
Ouiatanon (Wea) Indians were an important tribe of the Miamis. For 
a description of their villages see Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, p. 376. A 
French commandant was sent among them between 1715 and 1718. — Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvh 

De La perriere and Eeverend Fatlier de Gonnor have arrived 
at Montreal from the Scionx. They passed through the coun- 
try of the Renards whom they found very quiet In Their vil- 

There is Reasoni To hope, Monseigneur, that The affair will 
he concluded to The advantage Of the King's army, which is 
a Considerable one and which started With the Intention of 
absolutely Eating up the three Villages of the Renards who had 
sowed a great extent of land This year. I expect Reverend 
Father de Gonnor at any moment to obtain all the particulars 
of his Journey. Monsieur De La perriere who has been very 
111 and who has not Yet recovered his health, is at present unable 
to Come down to Quebec. 

Our Settled Iroquois, Monseigneur, to whom I had Said (In 
a Council that I held with Them) that they must speak proudly 
to the Outawais of Missilimakina, have done so for a Wonder. 
They reproached them in the presence of The hurons with all 
the Evil things that they knew about them and they warned 
them to open their eyes on their Conduct And that if they did 
not They, the Iroquois, would Go to Their country to Avenge 
the French without calling the latter there. 

I have the honor To Be with very profound respect, Mon- 
seigneur, Your very humble And very obedient servant, 

Quebec, August 18th, 1728. 


[Extracts from letters of La Perriere and La FresniSre, dated 
respectively, Sept. 10, and Sept. 13, 1728, being those referred to by 
Beauharnois in the preceding document. Macalester College ContribVr 
lions (St. Paul, 1890), 1st series. No. 7, p. 188. Cited in Canadian 
Archives 1886 (Ottawa, 1887), p. Ixxix.] 

La Perriere wrote from Montreal, There is every reason to 
think that Monsieur de Lignery will find the Foxes at home. 
On my return I called at their village, which seemed to be very 

[ 30 ] 

1728] French Regime in Wisconsin 

quiet. They invited me to stop, but I told them never could I 
stay in a place stained with French blood. 

Monsieur de La Fresniere wrote: Nothing had been done 
to the Sioux, Tlie French there having been well enough treated. 
Monsieur de La Perriere called on the JFoxes, who wished him 
to stop and- camp with them, but he said that he could never 
sleep on a mat dyed with French blood. The chief replied: 
"We are dead men since our Father will not stop one night 
with us. Come ! if you will take me in your canoe, I will carry 
my body to Montreal." Monsieur de La Perriere said that he 
would willingly take him. 


[Copy of a letter, dated la Baye, Aug. SO, 1728, from Lignery to Beau- 
harnois, being the official report of his expedition. MS.i in archives 
of Minist^re des Colonies, Paris; press-mark, "Collection Moreau-St 
M6ry, vol. 9, f. 11, 1727-31, fol. 152."] 

Monsieur — I Avail myself of The opportunity presented by 
Monsieur de Cavagnial's^ departure to assure you of my Re- 
spect and to tell you in a few words what oc.curred on our jour- 
ney. I reached Michilimakinac on the 4th of August and 
found the nation of the Detroit ; the foUes avoines to whom I 
spoke in passing and who followed me to the number of a hun- 

1 This is the letter referred to in Wis. Hist. Colls., v, p. 92; but appar- 
ently the original has never before been published in full. — Ed. 

2 This was Pierre Franeois Rigault, Marquis de Vaudreuil, later gov- 
ernor of Louisiana, and of New France. He was born in Canada In 
1698, son of the former governor of the same name. On entering the 
military service he soon attained the rank 'of major, and was known 
as the Chevalier de Cavagnal. In 1733, he was governor of Three Riv- 
ers; 1743-53 of Louisiana; when he was appointed governor of New 
France, which office he held until the conquest by the English. He 
died at Quebec in 1793. He appears to have accompanied Lignery's 
expedition as commissary. — Ed. 

[ 31 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

dred men; the outaouas of Michilimakinac ; the saultenrs and 
other Savages of Lake huron, making nearly three hundred 
men. In a word, Monsieur, our army was composed of nearly 
twelve hundred savages and four hundred and fifty French, 
including those whom I enlisted at Michilimakinac. I pro- 
ceeded to la Baye where we arrived about midnight. I posted 
a Detachment of Savages on one side of the river and one of 
French on the other. With the help of some sakis whom I had 
with me, our French captured, three Puants and a Eenard, 
whom I gave to the tribes that they might drink of their Broth. 
They put them to death on the following Day. On The sec- 
ond day of our march, a poulx Settled among the Puants came 
to meet us with a flag followed by four men of the village in 
order to ask if their lives might be spared, the latter did not 
appear for I would have stopped them. I sent back the poulx 
to tell them that I had come to Listen to all the !N'ations, even 
the Renard in order to keep them there ; but the poulx did not 
return. We continued our march tow^ards the village of the 
puants, but they had left tw^o or three days in advance of us 
owing to our having been delayed by the rapids of the river in 
which most of our canoes were broken. We left shortly after- 
wards and camped between two villages of the Renards. It 
was too late to go there. I sent out Scouts and on the Follow- 
ing morning we reached the first village, where w^e captured an 
old woman and a young girl whom we questioned; They told 
us that their people had left in great haste three days before. 
From there we w^ent to the second village where we captured 
an old Renard who told us the same thing. We continued on 
our way and slept at a third village, where we found no one. 
I summoned all our savages to a Council. Having learned 
from some scouts that they had found a wide trail, I told them 
that the nations must make up a large party to follow it for at 
least two days to See whether they could not discover something; 
but two things prevented this. Five or six hundred Savages 
had remained behind at the second village of the Renards, 
which delayed The matter, moreover the savages asked me for 
at least two hundred Frenchmen. These were found unfit to 



r^ 1728] 

French Regime in Wisconsin 

start by tlie inspection I had had made by Monsieur tlie 
Major and his assistants; as the men had no Shoes and no 
other food than Com. Matters remained in that position. 
Moreover, it would have been useless to Ck>ntinue the expedition 
in the Condition in which we found ourselves, whereof Mon- 
;sieur the Major will inform you, Monsieur, and I also when I 
ehall have the honor of seeing you, unless we wished to Expose 
■ all the French of our party to perish. I returned to the middle 
village where I found an old Slave woman whom the Outaouas 
had captured. I had her questioned by Ouilamek and she 
[stated that the Renards had departed four nights before and 
lat they had more than a hundred canoes in which they put 
'the old men, the women and children while all the warriors fol- 
lowed on foot on the banks to protect them. Consequently, 
Monsieur, the nations no longer spoke of going after them and 
some even told me that it would be useless. At the time I 
thought of nothing but bringing back the army which — the 
savage portion at least — had obtained ample supplies of Indian 
Com. I caused fire to be set to the four villages, and all the 
scattered Cabins to be Burned, also all the Com to be cut of 
which there was so great a quantity that one could not believe 
it without seeing. I also had the village of the Puants burned. 
Thus, Monsieur, terminated our Expedition which will be no 
less advantageous to the glory of the King and the welfare of 
both Colonies, inasmuch as one-half those people will die of 
hunger. I have the honor of informing you. Monsieur, that 
before leaving the Renards' country, I sent five Frenchmen 
through the Woods to the scioux. I gave them as guides two 
folles avoines who had come from there this year. They have 
been well paid, and I trust they will take our Frenchmen to 
their destination in safety, I informed Monsieur de Boucher- 
ville and E-evereiid Father Guignas of all that we had done, 
and I told them to strive to win the scioux to their interests 
by assuring them that if they gave the Eenards refuge amongst 
Them, they would bring upon themselves a War with all the 
nations; also to consider what was the best thing they could 
do, to remain or to return by la pointe; that they were to be 
3 [33] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [vol. xvu 

guided by the interest the scionx might take in them, and that 
next spring we might go and join them by la pointe ; that they 
■were to try to send news concerning themselves during the 
winter to the French in this post, that I would tell Monsieur de 
Clignancourt,^ who is to winter here, to give them news about 
himself in exchange and finally not to Expose themselves nn- 
necessarily. Such, Monsieur, is The mission I have sent to the 
scionx. The two foUes avoines are to return to their village in 
thirty-five days at the latest. I told Monsieur de la 'Noiie to 
send news about himself early in the spring to Michilimakinac, 
and I ordered my son to Forward the same to Montreal at once, 
in order that steps may be taken to send off the convoy that is 
to go to the scioux; I Send herewith. Monsieur, a letter from 
Monsieur Deliette whi(?h informs you of what he has done. 
Had he marched toward the Oiiisconscink with the southern 
people, the Renards would have been surrounded, but I have had 
the honor of telling you that those people could not be relied 
on, after what had already happened. Monsieur the Major 
will inform you, Monsieur, of many other slight details. We 
have incurred Expenses at Michilimakinac for canoes, Indian 
corn, and beads and for repairing arms, and other things. He 
will also tell you of the unwillingness of the Canadians. I 
have never been more alive to the necessity of having troops in 
this country. I beg you. Monsieur, to honor me with your 
protection with the minister. I may perhaps come down late. 
I flatter myself that you will be good enough to Write him. in 
my favor. I have never had so much trouble in my life a:* 
during the past four months, and I foresee that I shall have a 
great deal of trouble at Michilimakinac in getting all our 
French sent down owing to the mutinous spirit and the un- 
willingness of the voyageurs, together with the fact that most 
of our canoes are worthless and there are no provisions. I will 
do everything for the best. 

iThis was probably Louis Matthieu Damours, Sieur de Clignancourt, 
born in 16^, married 1730, and dying in 1753. He was present at a 
council held at Green Bay in 1726. See Wis. Hist. Colls., lii, p. 150.— ^Ed. 




1^] French Regime in Wisconsin 

I have the honor to remain with very deep respect, Monsieur, 
Your most hnmble and obedient servant 



[Letter from Beauharnois to the French Minister. MS. in archive* 
I of Minlstdre des Colonies, Paris; press-mark, "Canada, Corresp. gfin., 
[vol. 50, c. 11, fol. 205."] 

MoNSEiGNEUR — The Sieur Deschaillons/ captain of a Comr 
pany, whom I "sent; to Detroit as commandant there, has hegged 
me to have the honor to inform you that he would !N'ot go to That 
post to serve in lieu of his promotion, as he prefers the honoura 
of the Corps to everything. You are Aware, Monseigneur, that 
[lie is an Excellent officer and enjoys a great reputation. 

I have the honor to Be with very profound respect, Mon- 
^seigneur. Your very humble and very obedient servant,, 


P. S. I was Astonished, Monseigneur, that Monsieur Dupuy 
should have ventured to Write you that he had decided not to 
have Delivered to Monsieur Deschaillons the 2000 sacks of 
powder that were given to Monseiur Tonty, knowing that that 
officer had not asked it from him. But from Me, who had prom- 
ised it to him subject to your good pleasure ; and that he should 
also have stated that the Other Commandants are charged With 
the expense of Their Posts, as there is no other post In the wholo 

ijean Baptiste Saint Ours Deschaillons was born in Canada in 1669; 
married one of the La Gardeur family; commanded a detachment for 
the upper country in 1715; later held command at Fort St. Joseph; 
and in 1727 at Kaministogoya, whither he was removed to Detroit in 
1728. In 1736, he was in command of Crown Point, and Is thus char- 
acterized (Can. Archives, 1899, p. 26): "Age 60. Bright witted, loved 
by the troops. Has given grounds for talk as to his morals. In com»- 
mand at Pointe k la Chevelure. Ens., 1692; Lieut, 1710; Cap., 1718." 
Deschaillons died in 1747. — Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

Colony but that of Detroit where matters are on That footing, 
in consequence of the contract that Monsieur de T'onty had en- 
tered into for the Exclusive Trade of Detroit. 

It is to be Feared, Monseigneur, that Monsieur Deschaillons 
who has made himself liked by all the Nations wherever he has 
been and who had undertaken to pay all the expenses of That 
post on the Same Conditions as Monsieur de Tontv, will Ask 
to return to his garrison as soon as he Learns that he is not given 
the two Thousand sacks of powder his predecessor had. 



[This relation of the adventures of Monsieur de Boucherville,i of 
his return from the country of the Sioux in 1728 and 1729, followed 
by "Observations on the manners, customs, etc., of those Savages" was 
published in La BibliotMque Ganadienne, Michel Bibaud, editor and 
proprietor (Montreal, 1826), iii, pp. 11, ff. The manuscript was evi- 
dently in his hands. The following translation is from the printed 

After the failure of the expedition against the E-enards, Mon- 
sieur De Ligneris sent seven Frenchmen and two Folles-avoines^ 
to inform me of all that had happened in order that I might take 
proper measures for our safety, and that I might induce the 
Scioux to refuse their protection to the Renards. 

On September 9, 1728, two days after the arriavl of the 
seven Frenchmen, I sent six of our people to conduct to the 
Scioux at Sault St. Antome^ two Folles-avoines who had acted 

1 Pierre Boucher, sieur de Boucherville, third of the name, was bom 
1689, and died in 1767 at Montreal. He was captain of infantry, chev- 
alier de St. Louis, and commandant at Niagara in 1740. He was ensign 
at this time, and apparently left in command of the garrison at Fort 
Beauharnois, when his uncle, La Perriere, returned to Montreal. — Ed. 

2 The French appellation for the Menominee Indians. See Wis. Hist. 
Colls., xvi, p. 411.— Ed. 

3 Falls of St. Anthony, at the present city of Minneapolis, Minn. — Ed. 



1728-29] French Regime in Wisconsin 

as guides to Monsieur De Ligneri's envoys, and who were comi- 
missioned on behalf of all the savages living below to exhort the 
Scioux to take sides against the Renaxds, or at least to refuse 
them an asylum in their country. 

These envoys returned to the Fort some days afterwards, 
ather dissatisfied with the result of their negotiations. Afteif 
ccepting their presents and amusing them with fine promises, 

e Scioux soon let them see that they had renard hearts. 

evertheless Ouacautape accompanied them on their return, and 
assured me that the Eenards would never secure a refuge 
amongst the Scioux. 

But, seeing that it would be unwise to confide in these in- 
constant tribes, I gathered all our French together on September 
18, in order to come to a final decision. All were of opinion that 
the post was no longer tenable; that the remaining provisions 
would not suffice for our subsistence until the arrival of the con- 
voys; that the fugitive Eenards would employ their usual 
stratagems to seduce our allies, and that — to comply with the 
order of Monsieur De Ligneris who forbade us to expose our- 
selves ill-advisedly by keeping so unsafe a post — it was better to 
depart at once and to take advantage of our enemies' difficulties. 
After coming to this decision, all withdrew and each one made 
his preparations for the departure. 

On the following day several told me that they had changed 
their minds and would be unable to sell their goods elsewhere. 
In vain I represented to them' that the king's service and the 
welfare of the colony should prevail over private interests ; their 
minds were made up and I was compelled to leave without them'. 

We took three canoes and started on October 3, to the num- 
ber of twelve amongst whom were the Reverend Father Guignos 
and the Messieurs Monbrun. Although the waters of the Mis- 
sissipi were low, we deemed it advisable to attempt that route 
in order to reach the Illinois country and proceed thence to 

Hardly had we arrived opposite the Ouisconsin than we dis- 
covered traces of a party of Renards; and after three days' 
journey, we found their canoes, which they had left at the river 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

of the Ayous in order to penetrate more easily into the depths 
of the surrounding country. 

On October 13, somewhere near the river of the Kihapous,^ we 
found other camping places, traces of men, women, and chil- 
dren; and on the fifteenth, we saw a number of animals running 
along the shore who seemed to be flying from hunters. Great 
fires that were lighted and the noise of some gun-shots led me to 
believe that the enemy was not far off. For greater safety I 
deemed it expedient to travel at night; but, as the waters were 
very low, our birch-bark canoes were in danger of being broken 
at any moment. 

On the 16th, at eight o'clock in the morning some Kihapous 
discovered us and, leaving t'heir pirogues, they ran to the village 
situated on a small river three leagues from the Mississipi. As 
we approached the mouth of this little river^ we saw a number 
of savages coming by land and in canoes with the apparent inten- 
tion of barring our way. We at once loaded our twenty five 
guns, resolved to defend ourselves stoutly. They called out to 
us from afar: ''What fear ye, my brothers? The Renards axe 
far from here. We are Kikapous and Mascoutins and have no 
evil design." I sent two Erenchmen and the interpreter to 
whom they said that their village was only three leagues from 
where we were ; that they were in want of everything ; that they 

iThe river of the Ayous (lowas) and the river of the Kikapous, 
simply mean the rivers on which those tribes dwelt. The former was 
that now called Wapsipinicon River in Iowa. The river of the Kick- 
apoos was Rock River, Illinois, upon which was a large permanent 
village of that nation. — Ed. 

2 There seems to be no basis for the identification of this "little 
river," other than that it was known las "Riviere aux Boeufs" and 
was three days below Rock River, Possibly it was the present Skunk 
River in Iowa, just above the Des Moines. In the official report of 
the expedition of 1734, the Fox fort on the Wapsipinicon Rfver is said 
to be not far from where De Boucherville and Gruignas were captured. 
Ferland, Gours W Histoire du Canada (Quebec, 1865), ii, p. 141, iden- 
tifies this "Riviere aux Bceufs" with Buffalo Creek, Jones County, Iowa. 
This could not have been the spot where the French were arrested, 
since Buffalo Creek does not reach the Mississippi River. — Ed. 


172329] French Regime in Wisconsin 

would be glad to have us stay a day or two with them and to 
trade with us. But seeing that in spite of their fine promises 
we were making ready to proceed on our way, they surrounded 
us with their twenty-five pirogues, calling out as loud as they 
could : "Frenchmen, do not resist; we have no evil design in 
stopping you." At the same time numbers of them embarked in 
our canoes although the chiefs cried out: "Gently, young mem" 
They dragged us to their village where we thought the greatest 
favor we could expect would be to be plundered. Far, however, 
from taking away our arms, they requested us on our arrival to 
salute the fort with a discharge of musketry which we did with 
fairly good grace. Afterwards they held a council and came 
to the conclusion to lodge us in the cabin of Ouiskouba whose 
relatives had just been killed by the French acting with the 
Illinois. All our baggage was carried into this cabin; Father 
Guignas was placed upon a mat and upon a very fine l>ear 
skin;^ an equally honorable place was prepared for me opposite 
the Reverend Father ; we were regaled with deer flesh. We had 
no lack of company throughout the night as a great many of 
these barbarians had never seen a Frenchman and were attracted 
by curiosity. Ouiskouba and several chiefs who were hunting 
in the neighborhood were sent for. 

On the following day the elders entered our cabin and spoke 
to Father Guignos as follows: "You Black gowns^ used for- 
merly to maintain peace amongst the nations ; but now you are 
greatly changed. ISTot long ago one of your comrades was seen 
leading a party and waging a bloody war against us." These 
elders referred to Father Dumas, the chaplain of Monsieur 
Desliettes' army." 

1 An Indian mode of showing honor. — Ed, 

2 This was the Indian appellation for the Jesuit missionaries, who 
wore their black cassocks into the wilderness. — Ed. 

3 Jean Dumas was born at Lyons, France, Sept. 10, 1696, and entered 
the Jesuit order at the age of fifteen. In 1726, he was sent to Louisiana, 
and in 1727 assigned to the Illinois mission. Some time before 1740 
he returned to France, and taught Hebrew at Lyons. He died in 
1770.— Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. 


Fatlier Guignos replied, "You know not the Black gowns; it 
18 not their custom to fight and to steep their hands in blood. 
They follow the army solely for the purpose of helping the sick 
and ministering to the dying." 

The dispute would have lasted longer had not the young 
men — ^wiser in this than the elders — imposed silence on them. 
"Be silent, old babblers," they said to them: "Are not the 
French sufficiently in trouble and is it proper for you to add 
affliction to affliction ? " These words put a stop to the invectives 
for a while; but as soon as Father Guignos began to read his 
breviary, the rubrics printed in red ink caused a fresh quarrel 
about nothing to break out. " Those drops of blood," they said 
to one another, "warn us to be on our guard against this dan- 
gerous man." To appease those suspicious minds, the Father 
closed his book for some days and we had an interval of peace. 

Seven days after this first upbraiding, a chief delivered a 
harangue in favor of the Father and said : " Of what are you 
thinking, my brothers, and why should you forbid the Black 
gown from saying his accustomed prayers ? Know you not that 
amongst all the nations these Fathers have full liberty to pray 
in their own manner?" This speech was applauded and the 
Father obtained permission to read his red-lettered book in 

On the sam« day, Ouiskouba returned from hunting and 
spoke to us as follows : "My father the Black gown, and thou 
my father, the French chief, I have just learned that you have 
been put in my cabin and that I have been declared the arbiter 
of your fate to repay me for the loss of my wife and children 
whom the French, acting with the Illinois, have just taken from 
me. Fear not ; my heart is good. Our father Ononthio,^ whom 
I saw two years !ago, gave me wisdom. His arm governs my 

iThe Indian title for the governor of Canada, later extended to all 
governors, and also to the king. This savage had evidently been down 
to Montreal on one of the yearly expeditions. For a description of 
these gatherings see Parkman, Old Regime in Canada (Boston, 1874), 
pp. 303, 304.— iED. 



1728-29] French Regime in Wisconsin 

thoughts and my actions. Eely on my word and no harm will 
oome to you." 

We thanked him and presented him with, a brasse^ of tobacco ; 
and we promised that all the good he would do us would be 
repaid a hundred fold. 

The White rohe, a famous orator, paid me a visit the follow- 
ig day. "Tby face," I said to him, "is not unknown to me. 
•id I not see thee at Detroit in Monsieur De Lamotte's^ time? 

lou wert then considered a wise man and I am delighted to see 
." The savage was charmed with my compliment and the 
>bacco I gave him and expressed bis regret at our detention ; he 
idvised me to he wise, that is to say to get myself cleverly out of 
^the difficulty by giving presents to the young men. 

Chaouenon, a man of credit and respected above all by the 
[young Kikapous, was also profuse in his offers to serve me, and I 
["Won him to my interest by great promises. Everything being 
[thus prepared and the chiefs being all gathered together in the 
[village, I caused the council to be assembled. 

Word of Monsieur De Boucherville accompanied by 4 barrels 
[of powder, 2 guns, a 30 pound kettle, 7 pounds of vermilion, 12 
[liatchets, 2 dozen large knives, 7 braided coats, 2 cloth blankets, 
[2 white blankets, 7 bags of shot, etc., etc. 

"My brothers, children of Ononthio. I learned from six 
trrenchmen and two Folles-avoines that the French and their 
[allies had driven the Renards from their country to punish them 
for having deluged the earth with blood, and having last spring 
reddened the waters of the Mississipi with the blood of many 
TVenchmen. Perfidious people that they are, when we passed 
through their land a year ago, they promised us to remain quiet 
and atone for the past. We declared to them that they had 
everything to hope from the clemency of their new father 
Ononthio ; and that we, on our part, would strive to pacify the 

lA French linear measure, equivalent to 5.318 English feet. The 
tobacco was twisted into a sort of rope, and measured off by this stand- 
ard. — Ed. 

2 Consult documents in Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, pp. 204-208, 242-247, 
251-256, 292, 379.— Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

land and urge the Scioux to peace. I have kept my word and 
stopped several bands of Sauieux^ and of Scioux who breathed 
naught but war. I left my fort to inform our father Ononthio 
of all this and to learn his intentions. That is the object of my 
journey. Today I ask you by these presents that my road may 
be clear. I would be very sorry to leave you without relieving 
your wants by sharing our goods with you. I have reason to 
fear the Eenard ; I know he is not far from here. He would 
cause trouble to you and to us likewise were he to take into his 
head to come to this village. I therefore beg you, Kikapous and 
Mascoutins, not to refuse me so reasonable a request." 

Their reply was that our presents would be set apart, and that 
they would give me their answer by the following day. 

In fact, a great meeting was held on the morrow. Reverend 
Father Guignas, myself and some Frenchmen were invited. On 
a white beaver robe was placed a slave, seven or eight years old, 
who was offered to us with a little dried beaver flesh. 

Word of the Kikcupous 

"To our father Ononthio we offer this word, this little slave, 
and this small quantity of beaver flesh, to beg him not to be 
displeased with us if we keep the French chief, the black gown 
and their companions. After the flight of the Renards, the 
burning of their cabins, and the ravaging of their fields, we 
were warned to withdraw to the banks of the Mississipi because 
our father Ononthio is angry with us, and because all the nations 
that "winter in our neighborhood will soon fall upon us. It is 
therefore for the purpose of saving our children's lives that we 
stop you ; you will be our safeguard. 

"You say that you fear the Renards! Well, my brothers, 
what have you to fear ? The Renards are far from here ; you 
will not see them. Even should they come to seek you, do you 
think they could succeed ? Look at these warriors and at these 
brave young, men who surround you ; all promise to die with you 
and their bodies will serve you as ramparts. Prepare your- 

1 See Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, p. 8. — Ed. 



1728-29] French Regime in Wisconsin 

selves therefore to spend the winter with us and begin to build 
cabins for your use." 

"Have you pondered well," I replied, "on what I represented 
to you yesterday. Do you realize that you will have to answer 
for us, body for body, and that if any accident should befall us 
you will be held accountable ? '' 

"We know it, we think of it," they answered ; "We have come 
to our decision after mature deliberation." 

It was therefore necessary to attack the forest with our axes, 
and with the assistance of the young Kikapous we finished our 
houses in a week. We were already beginning to settle down ; 
we had no further quarrels to endure; we were living on good 
terms. But, on November 2, a Kikapou informed me that ten 
Renards had arrived in the village. A moment afterwards 
Kansekoe, the chief of these new comers, entered my house, held 
out his hand to me and said: "I greet thee, my father," and 
the better to deceive me, he assured me that he had an order to 
lodge in my dwelling. I put a good face on the matter in 
spite of my surprise ; and offered food to my treacherous visitor. 
Our faithful Chaouenon told me that Kansakoe was endeavoring 
to seduce the Kikapous by means of presents. But fortunately 
I had already won the young men by a barrel of powder, 2 
blankets, 2 pounds of vermilion, and other presents. 

The Kikapous, after refusing the calumet and porcelain^ of 
the Renards, were nevertheless intimidated by their threats and 
urged me to help them by presents to cover the last Renards 
who had died.^ I gave them two braided coats, two cloth 
blankets, 50 pounds of powder, 50 pounds of lead, two pounds 
•of vermilion, etc. 

On the following day, a great council was held at which I was 
present with Father Guignas; this gave me an opportunity of 
preparing a present to be sent to the Renards in my own name. 

iThis was the Canadian terra for the wampum belts, which were 
used as a pledge of an alliance. — Ed. 

2 An Indian phrase for appeasing the wrath of the relatives of a 
murdered man by presents. Compare the "wergeld" of the early 
Germans. — ^Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [vol. xvu 

Word of the Kikapous and Mascontins by a barrel of 5 pounds 
of powder, 5 pounds of lead, 2 pounds of vermilion, 2 braided 
cjoats and a blanket, 

"My brothers, for a long while we have not seen the sun — 

"Fear nothing," I said to them, "my cousins^ will do you 
justice and will appreciate the services you have rendered us." 
This promise reassured them and they resolved to save us at all 
costs. "For if they perish we are dead men," they said to one 
another ; "and since we are too much exposed here to the attacks 
of the Eenards, let us go and establish ourselves on the neigh- 
boring island on which they will not be able to land unless we 
choose." This was a very wise decision. By means of presents 
I urged the young Kikapous to shift the camp as quickly as 
possible ; and as soon as we were settled on the island couriers 
were sent out to notify the Kikapous scattered in the woods. 

About that time we were informed of the barbarous design 
of Pechicamengoa, a Eikapou chief, a great warrior, redoubt- 
able through the credit he had gained, and the great number of 
his brothers and relatives, and of young Kikapous subject to his 
orders. As he had married a Renard wife, Kansekoe and his 
companions had no difficulty in inducing him to assassinate Rev- 
erend Father" Guignas, and they made him promise that he would 
not go to the village of the Eenards without bringing the father's 
scalp with him. 

In order that he might not fail in striking his blow, he con- 
cealed his w'ieked design for some days. One fine night he 
invited two of his young men to keep him company in a 
sweating lodge, not so much for the purpose of sweating as of 
cleverly allowing his secret to ooze out according to the custom 
of the Svavages iui those sweating lodges, and of inducing those 

iTwo pages are missing here from the manuscript from which this 
is copied. This accounts for the hiatus. — Bibaud. 

2 The hiatus apparently contained an account of the escape of the 
brothers Monthrun, who were cousins of De Boucherville; and of the 
suhsequent fear of the Kickapoo. This escape saved the rest of the 
party from being delivered to the Foxes. See post, p. 60. — Ed. 




1728-29] French Regime in Wisconsin 

yoiino; mem tO' help him. God did not perniit the treacherous 
plotter to sncceed. The sweating over, the young Kikapous, "Who 
were indignant at such treachery told the well-disposed chiefs 
of it. 

The alarm caused in the village by this conspiracy may be 
imagined. "What!" they exclaimed, "We thought we had 
only the Eenards to fear ; now our own brothers betray us and 
wish to stain our mats with blood by a massacre of the French ! 
What is to be done under the circumstances ? Had a Renard 
made an attempt on the father's life we would have settled the 
matter by breaking his head; but the guilty man is a chief of 
our nation I . . . Let us endeavor to appease himi with 
presents." These were offered him,; he accepted them, and 
promised to abandon his cowardly design. 

But, in order to avoid similar acts of treachery, we were 
lodged in less suspected cabins where ten men watched night and 
day over our safety. We remained eighteen days in that state. 

Kansekoe and his nine colleagues, three days after their de- 
parture, encountered a hundred Renards who were coming for 
us. They had orders, in the event of refusal, to threaten the 
Kikapous with the coming of six hundred warriors, both 
Renards and Puants, fully resolved to be revenged for the insults 
offered them. Kansekoe perceived in the band the father of 
the young Eenard whom the French had killed at la Baie not 
long before. He said to him : " I see well, my father, that thou 
wilt ask for a Frenchman in the place of thy son ; but return with 
us to the village ; come and listen to the words addressed to thy 
dead child, and refuse not the presents offered thee." The old 
man, touched by this mark of distinction, allowed himself to be 
won over. "I am quite willing," he said, "that you should 
restore my disturbed mind. I will follow you." Many thought 
as he did ; others said they must continue their march and compel 
the Kikapous to deliver up the French. Finally, after many 
disputes, seventy Renards returned home and thirty came to the 
banks of the Mississipi. When the Kikapous saw them in such 
small numbers they considered that they could without danger 

[ 45 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

allow them on the island ; but they reinforced the guard watch- 
ing over our safety. On entering the village, a Eenard was 
inspired with the idea of delivering a harangue, contrary to the 
custom of the savages who harangue only in cabins. This 
insolent man spoke to us as follows : 

"We are unfortunate, my brothers ; we have been driven from 
our lands by the French. The sorrow caused us by our mis- 
fortunes has brought us here to beg you to wipe away our tears. 
You are our relatives; refuse us not the favor we ask. You 
will give us as many Frenchmen as you choose; we do not 
demand all of them." 

They entered the cabin of our friend Chaouenon, being con- 
vinced that if they could win him over they would easily 
persuade the other chiefs. All being assembled, the Kenards 
began to weep for their dead, making the air resound with their 
cries, and spreading out a bloody robe, a shell all reddened with 
blood, and a red calumet with feathers all dripping blood. Such 
a dreadful spectacle was calculated to produce an impression, 
and all this blood called most eloquently for ours. A tall young 
penard warrior, much painted, arose, lit his calumet and pre- 
sented it to Chaouenon, to Bceuf noir (Black Bull) and to the 
young chiefs who barely deigned to touch it with the tip of their 
lips, and drew but a puff or two. The old chiefs smoked 
heartily and emptied the renard's calumet to show that their 
sentiments were in accord with his. The young Renard took 
back his calumet, and presented it once more to the young chiefs 
with as little success as at first. Finally after again weeping 
for their dead, they left their presents and were told that the 
answer would be given on the following day. The young 
Kikapous passed the whole night without sleep. The Renards 
roamed about unceasingly and tried to intimidate them by great 
threats, but all in vain. 

On the following day, the savages assembled and the Kika- 
pous replied as follows: "My brothers, you are not unaware 
that we had no evil design in stopping the French. We wish 
them to live. And. what would become of us if they perished 



fp 1728-1 

1728-29] French Regime in Wisconsin 

while in onr hands? Retnrn in peace, accept onr present; we 
will die together rather than give np a single one of these 

The Renards, angered at this reply, arose with fire in their 
eyes; they threatened vengeance, made np their bnndles and 
fCrossed the river, and having met at a distance of three days' 
jonmey from the Renard village a Kikapou and a Mascontin 
rho were hunting, they massacred them without pity, and car- 
ted their scalps home with them. 
This murder caused much disturbance amongst the Renards. 
"We are lost beyond hope," the old men exclaimed. "What, 
rou foolish young men, it is but a slight thing in your eyes to 
lave raised up against us all the nations that have sworn to 
'destroy us; you must likewise massacre our kin<?men ! What 
shall we do to atone for this murder ? " 

They at once dispatched five men to go and weep for the two 
dead ones, and to offer themselves as expiatory victims to the 
'bereaved old man who was not far from the renard village. As 
soon as they appeared before him they spread out a white robe 
on which two Renards stretched themselves quite naked. 
"Revenge thyself, my brother," they said to him in this humble 
posture. "Thy children have been killed but we offer thee our 
bodies; vent thy rage and thy just indignation upon us." 
The old man replied : "Our village is informed of your crime ; 
the matter is no longer Jn my hands ; the decision rests with the 
young Kikapou chiefs." At these words the prostrate Renards 
arose and returned home. 

Two young Kikapous arrived shortly afterwards on the bank 
of the river, and uttered death-yells at night. A pirogue was 
sent for them and they related the sad event to their comrades. 
The news spread consternation throughout the village. ISTothing 
was heard everywhere but weeping, lamentations, and horrible 
yells. Couriers were at once sent to warn the Kikapous scat- 
tered in the woods to quickly take refuge on the island. The 
elders did not fail to come and reproach me with the death of 
their young men. "You are the cause of our being massacred," 
they said, " and we are paying very dearly for the pleasure of 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [vol. xvii 

having you." I replied to them : "Had you wished to believe 
me, to accept my present and consent to our separation, this 
misfortune would not have hapypened to you. Did T not warn 
you of this." "Thou art right," they replied, "but what are we 
to do in the present predicament? We are between two fires; 
the Renard has killed us, the Illinois has killed us,^ the French- 
man is angry with us. What are we to do?" 

"Your affairs," I answered, "are not so difficult to arrange as 
you imagine. Give me two chiefs to accompany me ; I will start 
for the Illinois country, and I pledge myself to make your 
peace with those tribes." "That is a very good idea," they said. 
Bu't the trouble was to find people brave enough to accompany 
me. After much discussion a Kikapou and a Mascoutin, bora 
of illinois mothers, offered themselves. One of them had lo»t 
his son in the war. 

We started on December 27, notwithstanding the unendur- 
able severity of the season;^ and, after many hardships and 
much fatigue which can- be appreciated only by those who endure 
them, we arrived on the ninth day amongst the Peoaria on the 
river of the Illinois, twenty leagues from the Mississipi. Sev- 
eral tribes were gathered together in this village, keeping always 
on the watch and anxious for news of the Kikapous. 

Two hunters perceived us and, re-assured at the sight of the 
flags held up by my people, they approached us. One of my com- 
panions who spoke the illinois language, told them that we came 
to treat for peace ; that the French detained amongst his people 
were well; that the Renards, in revenge for the refusal to 
deliver up the French to them, had killed two Kikapous. 

As soon as the Peoaria heard of our arrival, they sent 
thirty young Illinois to meet us. My two savages waited for 
them, and after weeping for their dead, and having had their 
tears wiped away, and having been ceremoniously offered a 

iThe Kickapoos and the Illinois had been at war since 1718. See 
Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, p. 377.— Ed. 

2 The winter of 1728-29 was one of unusual severity throughout all 
Canada and the Northwest, and recalled the winter of 1708-09 in 
France. See Ferland, Gours d" Histoire (Quebec, 1865), ii, p. 435.— Ed. 


French Regime in Wisconsin 

great red calumet which all smoked, we were relieved of our 
baggage. We were conveyed to a large cabin through so great 
a crowd of spectators that we could hardly make our way. We 
were seated upon a fine new mat, and on a bear skin. Two 
young Illinois, adorned with many ornaments, came to remove 
our shoes and grease our feet. We were given the most pal- 
atable food to be had in the village. The Kikapou accompany- 
ing me, who had lost his son, wept for him a second time; all 
the chiefs arose in turn to wipe away his tears, and after hearing 
all that had occurred, they said : " Take courage, my brothers, 
we will help you to avenge your dead." 

On the morrow at break of day they came to conduct us to a 
feast; and throughout the day we went without stopping from 
cabin to cabin, from feast to feast. These poor people could not 
find any food good enough for me so pleased were they at the 
good news I brought. 

It was my intention to proceed as soon as possible to the 
French village four days' journey from the Peoarias ;^ but I had 
to abandon the trip owing to a swollen foot caused by a long 
march through exceedingly cold water. I therefore sent Rev- 
erend Father Guignas's letters by a special messenger. I wrote 
to Monsieur Desliettes, the commandant, and sent him the 
presents from the Kikapous. These consisted of that famous 
bloody calumet, and of the two brasses of bloodstained porcelain 
which the Renards had offered in order to have us delivered up 
to them. 

Word of the Kiikapous and Mascoutins accompanied by the 
presents above mentioned : 

"1st, Our words and our actions are guided solely by the arm 
of Qnonthio to whom we are attached. 

"2nd, We have been killed, my father, by the Renards 
because we supported the French. If thou wouldst sent us 
some Frenchmen to help us, thou wouldst please us. 

iThis was the village of Kaskaskia, Illinois, founded in 1700, and 
erected into a parish in 1719. — Ed. 

4 [49] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

"3d, We ask for peace with the Illinois and with thee; and 
that in future we may smoke from the same calumet. 

"4th, We have stripped ourselves by giving what we had to the 
Renards to appease them. We should he obliged to thee, if thou 
wouldst send us goods and especially powder. 

" 5th, We flatter ourselves that our flesh has been preserved ; 
and we beg thee to induce the Illinois to give back to us those of 
our kin who are slaves in their midst." 

Word of Monsieur Desliettes by a red calumet and some ells 
of cloth, 

"1st, I am sorry that the French chief and the member of 
your nation have not come thus far. They have sent me your 
Word ; I have received it with joy, because you assure me that 
you are attached to the arm of Ononthio. 

" 2nd, I smoke your calumet with pleasure. While smoking 
it I will think of all you say to me ; and I shall see by the proofs 
that you will give me of your sincerity whether I shall send you 
some Frenchmen. 

"3d, You already have some Frenchmen amongst you, and 
none of your people sit here on my mat. If you wish sincerely, 
as you say, to live in peace with us, I invite you to bring back 
here the Black gown and the other Frenchmen. By this I shall 
know that you are children of Ononthio. 

"4th, If you do this, I answer that I will give you Frenchmen 
who will escort you back ; and you vdll be well received by the 
Illinois and the French. 

"5th, I would willingly send you some goods at once but I 
have only very little ; I expect a great quantity in two moons. 

"6th, If the Renards have killed you as you assert, you see 
that they no longer look upon you as their kin. I exhort you 
to avenge yourselves. You may rest assured that that wicked 
nation can live no longer. The King wishes their death. 

"7th, When you arrive w4th the Black gown and the other 
Frenchmen, we will take measures together; meanwhile we^ 
the Illinois and ourselves, are preparing to avenge ourselves for 
all their insults to us. They shall not always escape the 
vengeance of the French by cowardly flight. 

[ 50_] . 

1728-29] French Regime in Wisconsin 


"8th, Behold the Frenchmen who start tomorrow to carry 
your words to Ononthio from the lower Mississipi. I write him 
that they are sincere. I beg you, Masooutins and Kikapous^ 
not to make me tell a falsehood. 

"9th, You sent me your calumet; I send you mine. While 
smoking it think of what I say to you. 

"10th, When you arrive here with the Frenchmen, I will 
speak to the Illinois who will give you back your kinsmen whom 
they have had since last summer ; for they have no others from 
an earlier time. 

"11th, Ononthio will not forget what you have done for the 
Frenchmen, whom you have refused to deliver up to the Ren- 
ards. Continue to take good care of them ; respect the Black 
gown. When he is here we will not forget the care you have 
taken of him, of the chief, and of the Frenchmen." 

Our couriers returned on the seventh day from their depart- 
ure and brought me letters from Monsieur Desliettes, from some 
officers, and from the Reverend Jesuit Fathers, who advised me 
not to go back to the Kikapous, where things had perhaps taken 
-a different aspect on our behalf since my departure. 

The Illinois had already begun to chant their war-song with 
all their hearts ; two hundred young warriors had already pre- 
pared their arrows. But Monsieur Desliettes told them to wait 
until the spring, because it would be unwise to rely upon the 
Kikapous, who had so often failed to keep their word. 

I was therefore given only two illinois chiefs and eight young 
men. I was loaded with tobacco and other presents for the 
Kikapous. We started rather late, and slept at a spot five or 
six leagues from the village. 

At night two courierg brought me a letter from Reverend 
Father D'Outrelo,^ a Jesuit, who begged nue tO' wait for him! 
as he wished to consult with me on the means to be adopted for 

lEtlenne d'Outreleau was a Jesuit miissionary, born in 1693, who 
came to Louisiana in 1727. He was assigned to the Illinois mission, 
and was in the Mississippi valley for about twenty years. In 1730, he 
narrowly escaped massacre at the hands of the Yazoo, and in 1737 
was chaplain of a hospital in New Orleans. — Ed. 

[ 51 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

saving Father Guignas. I therefore returned to the village to 
the great satisfaction of the Illinois. I remained there eleven 
days; but, as our two Kikapous were becoming impatient, I 
left without waiting for the Eeverend Jesuit Father, who had 
lost his way and arrived in a pitiful condition at the village a 
few hours after my departure. He sent three couriers after 
me, who unfortunately took a different road from ours, and 
caught up with us only when we were 20 leagues from the 
village. I gave them a letter for the Reverend Father in which 
I begged him. to excuse me if 1 did not return to the Peoaria, 
as I was suffering from a pain in one of my thighs ; and I told 
him that the proper way to save Father Guignas and us was to 
induce the Illinois to come to the Kikapous and conclude a 
lasting peace. I continued my journey, and we encountered 
thirty Kikapous who were coming to meet us, and who told me 
that all was well. As soon as the news of our approach reached 
the village, joy spread everywhere, and the French who no 
longer hoped for my return, took courage once more. The 
chiefs came to meet us and were very attentive to our Illinois, 
although he was alone, as the nine others had postponed their 
journey to another time. 

On the morrow I gathered the chiefs together and announced 
to them the words of Monsieur Desliettes and of the Illinois. 
They seemed to me well pleased. I afterwards by means of 
presents induced two war-chiefs to make up two bands of 25 
men. The first party, commanded by a chief whose son had 
been killed not long before, was to go to the winter camping 
place of the Renards ; but he returned at the end of eight days 
without having done anything. 

Tlie other band was commanded by the brother of Bceuf noir 
(Black Bull), who said to him: "Do not return without 
bringing us some Renards, dead or alive.'' After marching 
some days, this band encountered 30 Renards, who asked them 
who they were and whither they were going. 

'*We are Kikapous," they answered, "and our elders have 
sent US to get news of you." The Renards, suspecting nothing, 
replied: "You are welcome; we will take you to our cabins 



728-29] French Regime in Wisconsin 


^ch are not far from here." The Kikapous stopped first 
it the dwelling of Pemonssa^ who had married a Kikapou 
voman. His cabin was about a quarter of a league from the 
30 others and there were about 25 persons in it, namely: eight 
men and several women and children. In order to kill them 
all, our warriors placed themselves at night one on each side of 
every Eenard capable of defending himself; and their design 
would infallibly have succeeded if, unfortunately, some other 
Kenards had not come in during the night, which upset all 
their plans. 

The chiefs of the 30 cabins assembled on the following day 
and said to the Kikapous: *'What do your countrymen think 
of the murder of your people?" "They think," replied our 
warriors, "that it was a misunderstanding or, at the most, the 
crime of some individuals; they are careful not to hold the 
entire Eenard nation responsible for that accident." "You 
are right," answered the Eenards, "for the murderer, the son 
of Eenard noir (Black Fox) has fled to escape death with 
which he was threatened. We are going to die in our village; 
we have not found an asylum anywhere; the Ayous and the 
Scioux have refused to give us a refuge. We have three bands 
of warriors in the field : one amongst the Sdulteux, the two 
others amongst the FoUe-avoines, while a fourth will soon go 
amongst the Illinois. What has become of your Frenchmen ?" 
"They went away on the ice," replied our people, "to go 
amongst the Illinois." "So much the better," said the chiefs; 
"nothing remains to be done except to cover your dead. We 
will send two chiefs to you." Pemoussa and Chichippa, the 
great war-chief, offered to go and they were entrusted with a 
calumet and some other presents. 

During the second day's march, our two chiefs said to one 
another : "What ! we came to avenge our dead and these Een- 
ards who follow us are coming to speak of peace! We must 
give them food at our first stopping place and fire two gun- 

1 Pemoussa was the Fox chief who led his tribe in the battle at 
Detroit, in 1712. See Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, index.— Ed. 

[ 53 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

shots at them." This plan was carried out in all its details and 
their scalps were taken to the village. 

The news of this deed gave rise to many mutterings, cries, 
and lamentations ; because Pemoussa, who had married a Kika- 
pou woman, had a great many relatives or kindred amongst that 
nation. This led the thirty Illinois who had just arrived to 
fear that they would be killed to avenge the death of Pemoussa. 
And yet they had come with presents; they had brought back 
a Ejikapou woman and two children whom they had captured. 
They left at night and were escorted back; both sides parted 
good friends and the Kikapous were invited to go, in the Spring, 
to the Illinois who were well disposed to receive them. 

The warriors who had killed Pemoussa re-entered the village 
on the following day, but very quietly and without ceremony to 
avoid reviving the sorrow of Pemoussa's relatives. 

On March 1 (1729)^ the ice disappeared and the Mississipi 
became n,avigable to the great satisfaction of all the French 
who awaited only that moment to withdraw. The Kikapous 
invited the Father and myself to a great assembly: "Here," 
said they, "are two roads : one leading to Montreal and the other 
to the Illinois. Tell us which one we should choose." "You 
must," said I, "go to the Illinois and conclude a lasting peace 
with them, so that the Illinois may no longer doubt your sincer- 
ity ; you must offer them the scalps of the Renards." Our chiefs 
approved my idea and I was delighted to have contributed 
towards obtaining so desirable a peace, for the French and 
Illinois had no more dangerous foes than the Kikapous and 
Mascoutins, who killed their people up to the very doors of 
their village. 

Reverend Father Guignas left some days before I did, ac- 
companied by two mascoutin chiefs; and he promised to await 
me on the road. I started on March 7, with two French canoes 
and seven Kikapou pirogues. Oto the twelfth we reached the 
river of the Illinois ; and three days afterwards, 80 Illinois 
pirogues with their families and provisions advanced to meet 
us. Two young Illinois, adorned w^ith many ornaments, came 
with their calumets lighted to make the Kikapou chiefs smoke. 


1728-29] French Regime in Wisconsin 

,i so 

We were regaled with turkeys and buffalo tongues. A thousand 
attentions were lavished upon the Kikapous as soon as they had 
presented the scalps of the Renards. By this unequivocal sign 
it was understood that the Kikapous really wished for the peace 
so greatly desired by the Illinois. 

I left on the fifteenth, and journeyed 40 leagues to reach the 
rench fort where Monsieur Desliettes and the officers received 
me courteously. Reverend Father Guignas had arrived seven 
days before with the two mascoutin chiefs, to whom^ Monsieur 
Itesliettes gave presents to induce them to maintain peace and 

A detachment of 20 Frenchmen was told off under an officer 
to escort the Kikapous and Mascoutins to their village. 

It is estimated that there are about 200 men amongst the 
Kikapous and 600 men in the three illinois villages. There are 
two French settlements of very considerable size, containing 
nearly 200 French some of whom are married to Illinois women 
and others to French women from New Orleans. They sell 
flour and pork on the sea coast, and bring back goods from 

Eight days after my arrival, I started for Canada by way of 
the Ouahache;^ but, after proceeding 20 leagues always against 
the current which is very rapid, the hands of our men became 
so badly blistered that we were compelled to return to Kashas- 
hias. In ^oing down we went over in one day the distance that 
it had taken us eight days to pass over while ascending. Rev- 
erend Father Boulanger," the missionary amongs the Mixik- 
Illirwis, told me that ten of his people were going by land to 
the Oilyas [Ouiatonons]. I decided to follow them and prom- 
ised to pay them well if they took good care of me. 

I started from the Illinois country on May 2, with a young 
Kikapou, a nephew of the great chief, and a little slave for 
Monsieur the governor-general of Canada. 

iThe Ohio River, which was, at the time, usually called the Wabash 
below the entrance of the latter river. — Ed. 
2 See Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, p. 455.— Ed. 

[ 55 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [vo). xvii 

Tlie distance from the Illinois to the Peanguichias'^ is about 
120 leagnes and 15 leagues from the Peanguichias to the Oiiyas ; 
60 leagues from the Oiiyas to the Miamis; 120 leagues from the 
Miamis to Detroit ; and 300 leagues from Detroit to Montreal ; 
making 615 leagues in alh 

Observations on the Scioux hy Monsieur De Boucherville ; he- 
ing a continuation of the B elation of his adventures in 1728 
and 29. 

The Scioux are very numerous. They have ten villages very 
far apart. Their language is very difficult to learn, all the 
more so that there are few opportunities of conversing with 
these wandering people, who are ever engaged in hunting. 

The men are of quite fine appearance but are indolent ; conse- 
quently they fast often. The women are ugly, but laborious. 
ITecessity has taught them the knowledge of a quantity of roots 
which contribute to their subsistence. There are two kinds of 
Scioux, namely : the Prairie Scioux, and the Piver Scioux who 
make use of very small bark canoes suitable for the frequent 
portages they have to make. 

They are greatly addicted to theft ; otherwise they are rather 
mild and docile, fearing and respecting their chiefs. But little 
reliance is to be placed in them because they are suspicious and 
jealous of their women, whom they murder without scruple on 
mere suspicion. They are never allowed to enter the fort ; they 
would b© too importunate. Fortunately the dearth of provi- 
sions compels them to separate from the French after seven or 
eight days. They are very fond of singing and dancing. They 
are superstitious beyond anything that can be said. They have 
a number of jugglers and charlatans, who know how to win their 
confidence and abuse their stupid credulity. 

Although they have had firearms but a short time, they can 
use them perfectly well. They are very generous and when we 

1 Called by the English Piankashaw, a kindred tribe to the Oulato- 
non. — Ed. i \ 



1728-29] French Regime in Wisconsin 

go to see them they often make their wives and children fast so 
as to have something wherewith to regale the French. 

Polygamy is practised to such an extent amongst them that 
they sometimes have as many as ten wives, whom they marry 
only after buying them from their fathers, according to the 
custom of the savages; consequently they treat them as slaves. 

The young men are not obliged to go hunting; they dance 
and that is their sole occupation until they are married. 

The best road that can be taken to go to the Scioux country 
is to pass by la Baie; by the River of the Renards; then the 
portage of the Ouisconsins is made and then one enters the 
Mississippi, which one ascends to Lolce Pepin, where we have 
built our fort. 

From Montreal to the Scioux country the distance is not 
more than 600 leagues. Going down from the Scioux to the 
Illinois country on the Mississipi I count about 300 leagues, and 
from the Illinois to the sea 400 leagues. The Mississipi can 
float great vessels for T50 leagues without coming to a water- 
fall. In ascending this great river from the mouth of the 
Otiisconsin to Sault St. Antoine (which is a distance of a hun- 
dred leagues) we find a number of islands, and on both sides are 
mountains which prevent the waters of the Mississipi from 

We, the undersigned, who have been witnesses of all that is 
mentioned in this relation, certify that it is accurate and true 
and that we owe our lives to the author through his labors, 
fatigues and experience. 

In testimony whereof we have signed: Oampeau, black' 
sndth; Menabd^ interpreter; Dtjmais^ captain of militia; 
Reaume^ interpreter; Boiselle^ voyageur. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. 


[The first is a letter from Beauharnois to the French Minister. MS. 
in archives of MinistSre des Colonies, Paris; press-mark, "Canada, 
Corresp. g6n., vol. 51, c. 11, fol. 122." The second is an extract from 
a letter of Tlllyi to the French Minister, dated Apr. 30, 1729. MS. in 
Quebec provincial archives, transcribed from the Paris archives.] 

MoNSEiGNEUR — I Lave just been informed by the Sieur de 
Montbrun who arrived in this Town the day before yesterday, 
of the nnhappy Fate of twelve Frenchmen who had resolved to 
return to Canada because they could not procure Sufficient Food 
to enable them to pass the winter in the fort that they had built 
in the Sioux country On the shores of Lake Pepin. These 
twelve Frenchmen, among whom Are the Reverend Father 
Gnignas, a missionary of the Society of jesus; the Sieur de 
Boucherville, an. Einsign in the King's troops ; And the Sieur de 
^Ibntbrun, who Escaped with His brother and an employee of 
the Montreal government, were met in the Mississipy country 
at the mouth of the Riviere aux Boeufs, by a band of Maskou- 
tins and Quicapoux on a hunting expedition, who stopped them 
and Took them to their Village. There is reason to fear that 
those Savages who quarrelled two years ago with the Renards 
(their former allies), will Sacrifice these Frenchmen in order 
to make peace with the Renards, to whom they sent notice, and 
who had already come to their Village before the Sieur de Mont- 
brun's Escape that they might take the French to the Renards. 
But as they were only ten of them they Went back [without 
the French] and stated to a Quicapoux, — from whom Those 
Gentlemen Learned it, — that they would return to the number 

1 Pierre-Noel le Gardeur, Sieur de Tilly, son of Charles le Gardeur. 
Sieur de Tilly, belonged to one of the most prominent of the old 
Canadian families. He was born in 1652, married in 1680 Marie Mad^ 
leine Boucher, aunt of Montbrun, and De Boucherville. He was a 
member of the royal Council of New France, lieutenant of the ma- 
rine, and appears to have acted as intendant during the brief interim 
between the departure of Dupuy, the death of D'Aigremont, and the 
arrival of Hocquart. Subsequently he was comptroller of the ma- 
rine. — Ed. 


1729] French Regime in Wisconsin 

of 300 to take the captives to Their country. I shall have the 

honor of informing Yon of the Fate of our Frenchmen as soon 

as I get news. It may also be presumed that the Kenards will 

take advantage of This opportunity to make peace with Us. 

I have the honor to be with very profound respect, Monseig- 

neur, Your very humble and very obedient Servant 

Quebec, March 24th, 1729. 

I ought to inform you, Monseigneur, that eleven Frenchmen 
and Father Guignas Jesuit, who had left fort Pepin to descend 
the Mississippi E-iver as Far as the Illinois country in order to 
reach Canada by that route, w^ere stopped by the Mascoutins 
and Quicapous and taken to the riviere au bceufs with the pur- 
pose of surrendering them to the Renards ; and that Sieur Mont- 
brun and his brother with another Frenchman escaped from 
their hands the evening before they were to be delivered to those 
savages. The said Sieur de Montbrun left his brother ill among 
the Tamaroids,^ and has come to bring this news to Monsieur 
the General ; having warned such of our posts as were on his 
route to be on their guard against the said Mascoutins and 


[Letters of Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated May 16 and 
May 19, 1T29. MS. of the first, in archives of MinistSre des Colonies, 
Paris; press-mark, "Canada, Corresp. g6n., vol. 50, c. 11, fol. 130; vol. 
51, c. 11, fol. 132; vol. 50, c. 11, fol. 131." The parts of this letter were 
separated, and have been reunited by our transcriber. MS. of the 
second, in the Quebec provincial archives.] 

MoNSEiGNEFE — The SOU of the Sieur Deschaillons, com- 
mandant at the fort of Detroit, arrived in this town yesterday 

iThe Tamarois were an Illinois tribe located near the village of 
Cahokia. — -Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

About six o'clock in the evening with letters from Reverend 
Father Guignas and from the officer commanding at the river 
St. Joseph, by means of which I have learned that the Qiiica- 
poiix and Mascontins have refused to deliver the French (whom 
they detained last autumn) into the hands of the Renards, who 
Came on two different occasions into the village of the Quica- 
poux and Maskoutins to demand them ; That the Renards were 
affronted by that refusal and (on their way home) had entered 
three Quicapoux cabins and had killed two young men, — one 
a Quicapoux and the other a Maskoutin ; That, after this attack, 
the Quicapoux had sent to the Ayowetz^ to request them not to 
give shelter to the Renards in their territory And that 
they had, at the same time, Sent some Quicapoux with Mon- 
sieur de Boucherville to the Ilinois in order to sue for peace 
with the French and the savages of that quarter, to assure them 
of their ruptxire with the Renards, and to take together the 
necessary steps for Avenging themselves on that common 

It appears, Monseigneur, from the Letters of Reverend father 
Guignoss (Extracts wherefrom I have the honor of sending 
you) that the Escape of the Sieur de Montbrun and of the two 
Frenchmen who fled with him prevented the Maskoutins and 
Quicapoux from delivering the French of whom they were 
masters intO' the hands of the Renards, and led' themi to give 
them kind treatment, in a manner which Reverend father 
Guignoss and the French who remained with him did not in 
the least expect. The Sioux for their part have treated the 
French who remained in their fort very well and guarded them 
throughout the entire winter in the fear that they might be 
attacked by the Renards. This news which re-assures us as 
to the Fate of oiir French, leads us to think that the nations in 
the upper country, both of the Mississipy and of Canada, are 
about to form a league for the purpose of waging war in Earnest 
against the Renards. It seems important to foster these favor- 

iTlie Iowa, a Siouan tribe, living in Minnesota wlien first known 
to the French. In 1736, they numbered perhaps 400 to 500, with 80 
warriors. — Ed. 


1729] French Regime in Wisconsin 

able dispositions by presents, And we cannot avoid giving some 
to the Maskoutins and Quicapoux to confirm them in the reso- 
lution that they have taken to wage war against the Eenards. 
I have gathered also from all that has been written to me by the 
commandants of the posts in the upper country, that I shall be 
obliged to furnish the assistance of some Frenchmen to the 
nations who are about to go to war against the Renards; but 
this I shall always do with much caution on account of the 
■expense that will have to be incurred. The rupture of the 
Maskoutins and Quicapoux with the Renards will constitute 
a strong barrier between the Ilinois country and that of the 

Although the army sent against the latter has not produced 
all the Result expected from it, it has nevertheless made a great 
impression on the Minds of the tribes who seemed to Wish to 
despise us, and we have all the more reason to believe that 
the step now taken by the Maskoutins and Quicapoux against 
the Renards is due solely to the Example of what has been 
done among their IsTeighbors, and to the fear that we might 
wage war against them. 

The Frenchman who is said to have been killed by the Pu- 
ants, is a young man thirty two years old, who had remained 
with the folles avoines, the eldest son of Monsieur de la Noue, 
a Captain of the troops. 

I have the honor to be with very profound respect, Monseig- 

meur, Your very humble and very obedient Servant 

Quebec, May 16th, 1729. 

P. S. I also append a copy of the letter written to me by 
Reverend father Guignoss previous to his departure from the 
Sioux country. It will show you, Monseigneur, what danger 
there would be in farming out the posts of the upper country 
to merchants for the purpose of exploiting the same as has been 
proposed to you, because the sole object of those persons is their 
own particular interest (as you will see by reading that Letter) 
and the interests of the King would always suffer considerably. 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

May 19, 1729. 

You will see, Monsieur, by all the doeuments Accompanying 
ihis packet containing agreeable news for tbe two colonies wbich 
I believe will give pleasure to Monsieur tbe Comte de Maurepa®, 
that the army of the King sent last year against the Renards 
was not useless. It made such an impression upon all their 
neighbors that the Kikapous and Maseoutins are about to de- 
clare war against them. They have, at the same time, sent two 
of their people with Monsieur Boucherville among the Illinois 
to make their peace with the French and Savages of that region, 
to assure them of their rupture with the Renards, and to take 
measures together to avenge themselves on this common enemy. 
They have also sent orders to the Scioux not to give the Itenards 
any refuge; the Scioux have promised our people not to give 
them any asylum whatever. As the Eenard's country has been 
laid waste, they are placed in a situation where they can be easily 
destroyed, toward which end we, on our part, should work. 

I have the honor to be very completely, Monsieur, Your very 
humble and very obedient servant, 


P. S. Elnclosed is a letter for the gentlemen of the Com- 
pany of the Indies. I send them congratulations on the good 
news for the two colonies. I shall be greatly obliged if you 
will forward it to them. 


[Letter from Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated July 21, 
1729, giving a report of an annual gathering of Indians. Source, same 
as preceding document, but vol. 51, c. 11, fol. 125.] 

MoNSEiGNETTB — It givcs me much pleasure to have the honor 
of Informing you concerning all matters affecting the welfare 
of this Colony; And those that have been dealt with in the 
deputations that most of the Savage nations have Sent to me 
Are too favorable to allow me to defer the honor of giving you 
an Account of the same. 


1729] French Regime in Wisconsin 

I have never before seen so many savages from different 
Places as have come do'svn this year to Montreal. The Outa- 
wacs and Saiiteux from Missilimakinac^ Came here two dayg 
after my arrival to inform me of what had passed among the 
Eenards and to Know what I wished them to Do. 

The Sakis and Ponteonatamis of the river St. Joseph Came 
with the same object.^ 

The Hurons, Pouteouatmis, and Outawacs of detroit also 
came down for that purpose. 

The Miamis and Ouyatanons [blank space in MS.] 

The nipissingiies and Tabitibis of the post of Temiscamingne^ 
have also Come to offer me their services^. 

The Testes de bonles^ Avho dwell on the height of land toward 
the shores of the northern Sea, have sent three of their people 
to assure me of their attachment to the French. 

The R-enards who have attacked the Quicapoux, Mascoutins, 
folles avoines, and sauteux have So irritated the nations of the 
upper country against them that there is not one of these 
who is not disposed to wage war on them. The Sioux and 
ayowets have refused to give them shelter in their lands ; so that 
they have been obliged to return to their former Village where 
they Are surrounded by all these nations who are at War with 

1 These were the chief tribes about Mackinac, hostile to the Foxes 
and loyal to the French. See Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, index. — Ed. 

2 The French had been endeavoring for some time to detach bodies 
of Wisconsin Indians from too close neighborhood with the Foxes. 
The Potawatomi (Pout6ouatami), and the Sauk (Sakis, had gone in 
large numbers to the post at St. .Joseph. See Wis. Hist. Colls., v, p. 94; 
xvi, pp. 393, 397, 399.— Eb. 

3 This was a post on an upper tributary of the Ottawa River, estab- 
lished for the benefit of the Nipissings (Nipissinques), and Abittibis 
(Tabitibis) of the river of the same name flowing into Hudson Bay. 
The former tribe were first visited by Champlain in 1613; they fled 
to the North before the Iroquois. At present they occupy a reserva- 
tion of 64,000 acres on the north shore of Lake Nipissing, and in 1897 
had a population of 200. See Alexander Henry, Travels and Adven- 
tures (Bain's ed., Boston, 1901), p. 30, note. — Ed. 

4 See Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, pp. 114, 115, note 2.— Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

them; The sioux accompanied the French who were obliged 
to return, as far as Sault St. Antoine/ and nothing more favor- 
able could be expected from all the nations of the upper coun- 
try ; but it seems to me that in order to maintain them in these 
good dispositions it Will be necessary also to Send some French 
next Spring with the !N'ations who are preparing to wage war 
against the Renards. The Example of the French will animate 
them, and will Prevent them from having contempt for the 
French upon whom they have not looked favorably since the 
last affair. 

Three days ago there arrived three chiefs of the Villages of 
the Chawanons,^ whom we have been endeavoring for several 
years to draw closer to Canada. I have not yet been able to 
give them an audience because I am having a search made for 
interpreters who know their language. 

I shall have the honor of writing more at length to you on 
this subject by the King's ship. 

I have the honor to be with very profound respect, Mon- 

seigneur, Your very humble and very obedient servant 

Montreal, July 21st, 1729. 

Since my Letter was written Ten l^omtagues^ have just come 
who have informed me that the chiefs of the other Iroquoia 
villages will arrive Shortly. 

I must not forget to Inform You, Monseigneur, of the recon- 
ciliation that I have effected Between the hurons of Detroit and 
the Miamis. The latter were greatly Irritated Against the 

1 This was a portion of the party at Fort Beauharnois, who evidently 
went back hy the Lake Superior route, the Fox-Wisconsin route being 
unsafe on account of the return of the Foxes. — Ed. 

2The Shawnee (Fr. Chaouanon), "people of the South," when first 
known were living in Western Kentucky; they made frequent migra^ 
tions, and in the latter part of the xvii and early xviii centuries 
were in western Pennsylvania and Ohio. They intrigued with both 
the English and French. — Ed. 

3 The Onondaga (Nontaes, Nontagues) were one of the five nations 
of the Iroquois. — Ed. 


I 1729] 

French Regime in Wisconsin 

former because they had made peace with the Testes plates, 
without saying anything to any one. I Listened to all their 
reasons and when I saw that they were going too far, I made 
them put a stop to it, And told them to Listen to the word of 
their father. Everything passed off very well, and they de- 
parted good friends.^ 


[Letter of Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated Aug. 17, 1729. 
Source, same as preceding document, but vol. 51, c. 11, fol. 131.] 

MoNSEiGNEUR — I have the honor of Sending you annexed 
to this the Extract from a letter that Monsieur de la Come^ 
has written to me since my arrival in Quebec, by which you 
will see the steps taken by the Renards to sue for peace. Though 
these savages have not adhered to that which was granted them 
in the past, and have always broken the word that they have 
given, It is to be presumed, Monseigneur, that in the present 
position of their affairs they would remain quiet If their request 
were granted. They formerly had resources which they no 
longer have and since they find Themselves abandoned by all the 
nations and even by their allies (as I have had the honor of 
writing to You) There is every reason to believe that they will 
keep quiet. If they come down with the Sieur de la Jes- 

iFor the Huron see Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, index. The Testes plates 
("Flat-heads") was the Iroquois appella. ~i for the Southern tribes, 
Cherokee, Chickasaw, etc. This arbitration of differences between 
neighboring tribes is a good illustration of the functions of a Cana- 
dian governor in relation to his red "children." — Ed. 

2 Jean Louis de la Come, Sieur de Chapt, was a noted French ofB- 
cer, captain, and governor of the town of Montreal. He was thu8 
characterized in 1732: "an excellent man, active, vigilant, loving the 
servlce"-JC^. T. Col. Docs., ix, p. 1033). He died in 1734, leaving sev- 
eral sons who were prominent officers in the colony. — Ed. 

5 [ 65 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

maraye^ as I Hope, I shall Listen to the proposals that they 
may Make to me, and shall give them only such answers as may 
be suitable to the good of the service and of the Colony. You 
may honor me, Monseigneur, with Your orders On this subject 
via new England for, from all appearances, those people will 
be unable to return before next year. 

To prevent our !N"eighbors from knowing what You may 
have the honor of writing to me on the matter, in case they 
should Intercept Your Letters in order to read them, the Ex- 
pedient that I have thought of, Monseigneur, would be for You 
to do me the honor of writing A Letter to me treating only of 
trivial and unimportant matters, dated the 20th December, 
which would mean that His majesty approves of the peace 
asked for by that nation ; and In case his Intention should be 
that matters are to remain in their present Condition, the Letter 
should be dated the 31st December. These two different dates 
would have their meaning for me and would enable me to Carry 
out the Intentions of the Court in connection with a matter so 
deserving of attention. And I trust, Monseigneur, that you 
will be pleased to have that Letter sent to me by as safe a 
means as possible. 

I shall have the honor of writing You by the King^s Ship 
what the Eenards may say to me on their behalf. 

I have the honor to be with very profound respect, Mon- 
seigneur, Your very humble and very obedient Servant, 

Quebec, August 17th, 1729. 

iChristophe Dufros, Sieur de la Jemerais, was bom about 1708, son 
of a French officer at Montreal and Marie Ren6e Gaultier, sister of 
La VSrendrye. La Jemerais was apparently left in command of Fort 
Beauhamols, when De Boucherville's party abandoned it. He after- 
wards joined his uncle on his explorations for the Western Sea, and 
shared all the hardships and adventures of that search, until, worn 
out by fatigues, he died in the northern wilderness in 1736, only thirty 
years of age. — Ed. 


1729] French Regime in Wisconsin 



etter from Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated Sept. 1, 1729. 
Source, same as preceding document, but vol. 51, c. 11, fol. 135.] 

MoNSEiGNEUE — The SieuT de la Jemeraye, a cadet in His 
Majesty's troops, one of the French who wintered among the 
sioiix, arrived in this Town yesterday without bringing with 
him the l^enard chiefs who were expected and who had Induced 
the Sieur de la Jemeraye to accompany them from the Sioux 
Village to the river St. Joseph. When those Renards arrived 
there they said that they feared to fall into the ambushes of 
Enemies who would lie in wait for them everywhere if they 
should go down to Montreal, and they returned to their homes. 
I have the honor, Monseigneur, to Send You a copy of the 
report that the Sieur de la Jemeraye has made to me respecting 
what occurred on the part of the Plants and Renards, About 
sixty cabins of whom were CamjDed at a gun-shot from the fort 
that the French built among the sioux On the shore of Lake 
Pepin. The Eenards took advantage of the absence of the 
sioux (who were all away hunting) to speak to our French 
about their affairs. You will see, Monseigneur, that they know 
not what means to adopt to obtain the friendship of the French. 
The proposal that they made to the Sieur de la Jemeraye (when 
they left the sioux country) that he should accompany them to 
their Village, and there detach some of their Chiefs to go with 
him to the river St. Joseph and render an account to the oomh 
mandant of their good behavior toward the French with whom 
they had wintered; and The words sent to me by that com- 
mandant on behalf of one of the Renard chiefs (a copy whereof 
I have the honor to send you) ; are proofs of their docility and 
of their desire to be at peace with us. But as they have not 
come down, and as the lateness of the season does not permit us 
to send any word to them Respecting their request, I Hope, 
Monseigneur, to be in a Position next Spring (if you will have 
the kindness to send me your orders Oli this matter via Kew- 
England) to comply with the Intentions of the Court, and with 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

what His Majesty may decide in Connection with the peace 
that they ask. The French who have remained among the 
Bioux write me that they will not abandon the fort where they 
are unless they receive orders to do so. Thus as I have sent 
them tidings by some Frenehmen among those who made the 
treaty respecting the Establishment of the post among the Sioux, 
who asked me this Summer for permission to go up there, I 
think that they will hold their fort and will remain there. On 
the other hand The sioux will protect them still more when they 
see that we continue to Send them what they need, notwith- 
standing the fact that it seemed impossible to do so this year. 
These Frenchmen were met by the Sieur de la Jemeraye in the 
vicinity of Missilimakinac. 

I have received word from the Commandant of that Place 
that a band of fifty Outawacks had started to strike a blow at 
the Eenards ; that out of these fifty, thirteen had returned ; but 
that they proposed to start again in the Spring with the folle 
avoines to go to the country [of the Eenards] . There is reason 
to believe that that nation will decrease every day, for all its 
Neighbors are its Enemies. 

The Sieur de la Jemeraye has told me that during His Stay 
in the Benard Village, the folles avoines came to strike a blow 
at them, and killed one man and one woman ; That the Eenards 
made up a band of thirty men to fall on the folles avoines who 
were only twelve in number; but they came back with three 
men wounded without having killed or wounded any of the 
folles avoines. I must not omit, Monseigneur, to inform you 
that the cries ^ are to start forthwith from their Village loaded 
with presents to make peace with the sauteux of la pointe de 
Chagoiiamigon, with whom they were at war for a long time. 
I had advised the Commandant of that post to urge the Savages 
as much as he could to do so and to strengthen the peace be- 
tween those !N"ations. 

vCree or Christinaux Indians. See Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, p. 189. 
note 2.— Ed. 


■ ^^r 

French Regime in Wisconsin 

I have tlie honor to be with very profoTind respect, Mon- 

seigneur, Your very humble and very obedient Servant 

Quebec, September 7th, 1729. 

The King's Ship has not yet arrived. We received news 2 

days ago she was at Bie.^ I Hope she will soon arrive. 

[The following, evidently the enclosure spoken of in the body of 
the document, is a translation from a French transcript in the library 
of Macalester College, St. Paul, Minn., and is published in Macalester 
College Contributions, 1st series, No. 4, pp. 135, 136.] 

The Sieur de la Jemeraye, cadet in the forces of His Majesty, 
and who comes from the Sionx village, reports that the Foxes 
have arrived to the number of sixty lodges, as many Foxes as 
Pliants, to lodge near the pickets of the fort which the French 
had built there. That the Foxes sent word to the French that 
they wished to lodge near them in order to make friends with 
them, but the French told them that they did not desire at all 
to associate with them, and that they would open fire on them 
if they did not retire; this obliged them to draw off from the 
fort a gun shot, where they camped. 

Some days later a Chief Pliant came to the fort of the French 
to see a man named Gigner who was there ; he invited him to 
come and see him at his lodge, which he did, in spite of the 
representations of the other Frenchmen, where he was hardly 
come with a trap which he had with him when the Piiants seized 
it, when he would have run at the risk of his life if some Foxes 
had not hindered him. Finally he had to make a bargain and 
give presents to get it back again. 

On the news that the Foxes and Piiants had from a Fox who 
came from St. Joseph's river, that the commandant of that 

iThis ship, VElepJiant, was shipwrecked on this same day, but for- 
tunately no one was lost. Hocquart, the new intendant, was one of 
the passengers. — Ed, 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

place had told him that their business was going well, showing 
even some presents which he said the French had made him, the 
Piiants and Foxes asked from the French a man of the Sionx 
fort to accompany them to their village, and from it they would 
take away several chiefs with him, to go to the St Joseph's 
river to ascertain the news from the commandant ; and because 
he thought their Father has their respect, and in order that 
he might bear witness that they had not in any way molested 
them, Le Sieur de la Jemeraye proposed to go with them ; and 
left the Sioux village with the Foxes and P'iiants in order to go 
to their village, where they had no sooner arrived than they 
detained himi twenty-one days without his being able to find out 
what would be his lot ; finally at the end of the time he left them 
with fourteen Foxes in order to proceed to St. Joseph's river. 
When they arrived there they told the commandant that they had 
brought the Sieur de la Jemeraye without doing him any harm 
whatsoever, for they hoped he would speak in their favor to their 
Father and that he would obtain pardon for them. It was pro- 
posed to them to go as far as Montreal, but the fear they had of 
meeting some of their enemies decided them to return home after 
three days' tarry at St. Joseph's river. The Sieur de la Jem- 
eraye adds that during his sojourn at the Foxes' village the Folle 
Avoines came there to give battle, and killed a man and a 
woman. The Foxes sallied from their village to the number of 
thirty to fight the Folle Avoines, who were only twelve; there 
were three of their men wounded and the others returned to the 


1729] French Regime in Wisconsin 


[Extract of a letter from Beaiiharnois and Hocquart to the French 
Minister, dated Oct. 25, 1729. This is evidently in reply to accusa- 
tions against Lignery for extravagance in his expedition of the pre- 
vious year. MS. in archives of Minist^re des Colonies, Paris; press- 
mark, "Canada, Corresp. g6n., vol. 51, c. 11, fol. 41."] 


We have cammiunicated) to Sieur de Lignery what youi 
were pleased to write to us respecting the Gk)od9 that he 
has left at Missilimakinae. For his justification he says that 
he had not charge of the Goods and mnnitions delivered 
from the King's magazines on Monsieur Dupuy's order; That 
there was a Commissary Appointed to Follow the arlny who 
had charge of those things ; That he Knew that munitions had 
been delivered from the magazines to effect Purchases of Food 
and that they were nearly all Employed either in buying pro- 
visions or were distributed among various savage tribes in order 
to Induce them to follow the Army ; That they did not Suffice 
by a good deal to purchase the necessary Provisions for three 
hundred savages brought by the Sieur de I^oyan^ to Missili- 
makinae to join the army, who arrived twenty days before the 
Sieur de Lignery ; That none or at least a very small quantity 
of the goods destined for the purchase of Indian com and 
grease went to Missilimakinae as you may See, Monseigneur, by 

1 Pierre Jacques Payan de Noyan (Noyau), Sieur de Chavois (Cha- 
ncy), was a nephew of Longueuil and Iberville. Bom in 1695, he 
served with distinction in both Canada and Louisiana. An official re- 
port of 1736 (Can. Arch., 1899, p. 28) says of him: "35 to 40 j^ears. 
A good officer, quick-witted and intelligent. Steady. Adopted by the 
Iroquois. Ensign, 1712; lieutenant, 1722; captain, 1729." He served 
with Bienville in Louisiana, being second in command of the ill-fated 
expedition against the Chickasaws in 1736. During the English wars 
he commanded several posts, was governor of Trois Rivieres, and very 
influential with the Iroquois. In 1758 he was with an inadequate force 
placed in command of Fort Frontenac, being obliged to surrender to 
the English. Later he was exchanged for Col. Peter Schuyler, whom 
Montcalm had captured at Oswego. — Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

"the two annexed Statements marked one and two; That if he 
left the munitions mentioned in those Statements at missili- 
makinac he could not avoid doing so owing to the loss of twelve 
Oanoes whose Crews were placed in the others ; moreover a por- 
tion of those munitions served to pay the garrison of Missi- 
limakinac who had received no payment. This amounts to the 
sum of 1384 livres, 6 sols, and 3 deniers. 

According to the annexed Extract which Shall be taken in 
special account, The Sieur de Lignery also adds that, as neither 
lie nor the Officers were able to restrain the Savages, nor even 
the habitants on their return from the Village of the Renards, 
he was unable to have such order observed as would be expected 
from a Body of disciplined troops. He falls back upon the 
written order of the Sieur de Beauharnois commanding him, 
for fear that the army might suffer from want of provisions, to 
have some purchased wherever there might be any, to be paid 
for at Quebec on the certificate of the Sieur du Laurent, the 
commissary in charge of the Provisions, countersigned by the 
Sieur de Lignery. 

It seems, Monseigneur, that he took it literally and acted ac- 
cordingly. It is true that it was not Explained, but neither 
was there any question of buying Provisions after Fifty days 
marching while he had enough for four months, and these 
Purchases were to be Effected only on returning from the 
country of the Renards. Moreover, the Goods destined for 
purchasing provisions for the Savages (in case there was a 
dearth of the same) should have been more than sufficient if not 
!N'eedlessly consumed. I^reither was there any order to Induce 
the Savages to Follow him or to give them presents to Incite 
them to do so. He should Merely have received those who 
offered Themselves Willingly without incurring any expense 
therefor. Had he acted on these principles the purchase of 
Provisions would not have exceeded the quantity of Goods 
assigned for that purpose, nor would he have found himself 
comipelled to cause goods to be ^iven him on the certificates of 
the Sieur du Laurent as he has done. But with respect to this 


■ K729] 

French Regime in Wisconsin 

Item as well as to His entire Statement, there seems to have 
been great abuse, which should necessitate Explanations and 
Information which it is almost Impossible to obtain. The Sieni 
de Lignery contents himself with stating that everything was 
consumed with the exception of the little that remained at Mis- 
; silimakinac ; and establishing this by the Statement of the ex- 
[penditure reported by the Commissary accompanying the army,' 
[which shows in Keality many purchases of Provisions, many 
[presents to the savages, and other expenses, a considerable por- 
[tion whereof he could have curtailed had he acted with all the 
^economy that he should have displayed, and had he Considered 
his majesty's Interests alone. Such is the prudence which he 
should have observed, and which the Sieur de Beauhamois could 
not Explain in the order that he gave him for the purchase' of 
Provisions, because it was impossible to foresee the various 
circumstances that might arise during a Campaign of Four or 
five months' duration. We admit however that if every officer 
had been placed in charge of the munitions in His Canoe there 
would have been less waste. Monsieur Dupuy ordered other- 
wise and committed the Goods to the charge of the Sieur du 
Laurent, a Willing Young man but Without Experience, who 
Was Unable to Control the consumption of the same, for the 
canoes of the Army were distributed by brigades and were 
formed into one body only at la Baye. 

All these reasons have determined us, Monseigneur, to awail 
further commands from you respecting the Sieur de Lignery. 
The Sieur Hocquart will give orders to sell the remainder of the 
munitions and Effects left by the Sieur de Lignery, the younger, 
at Missilimakinac with the Sieur Dubuisson,^ the present com- 
mandant at that Post. 

We shall continue, Monseigneur, to devote all our attention 
to Preventing the English from coming to carry on any Trade 
in the Colony, and to the Execution of the Letters Patent of the 
month of October 1727. And notwithstanding any representa- 

iFor biographical sketch of Dubuisson, see Wis. Hist. Colls., v, p. 
118; xvi, index.— Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [vol. xvu 

tions that may be made to us under pretext of payments of debts 
between the English, and the French, we shall manifest no com- 
plaisance, and we shall punish severely all who may infringe 
his Majesty's orders. 

We have the honor to be with very profound respect, Mon- 
seigneur, Your very humble and very obedient Servants 



[Enclosure with the preceding document. Source the same, but 

foL 47.] 

The following effects were also embarked in the said Ganoes 
for the purchase of Provisions in the upper Country for the 
said party: 

108 ells of cloth in 6 pieces 

124ye ells of moUeton^ 

4 dozen Morlaix^ shirts for men 

4 dozen ditto for women 

2 dozen ditto for boys 

400 Pounds of fine powder 

8 barrels for the powder 

600 Pounds of ball 

400 Pounds of lead 

20 double Sacks containing 6 and % ells. 

Made out at Montreal on the Thirtieth June one thousand 
seven Hundred and twenty eight. Signed: Roebert. And 
lower down: Examined, daigremont. 

A True C^py 

Quebec, October 25th, 1729. 

1 Gilles Hocquart was intendant of Canada from Oct. 1, 1728 to 
Sept. 1, 1748. During his long term of office he acquitted himself with 
unusual ability, managed Canadian finances with integrity, and at- 
tempted to develop the resources of the colony. — Ed. 

2 A kind of treble-milled cotton cloth. — Ed. 

sMorlaix is a Breton town, near the English Channel, noted for its 
linen manufacture. — Ed. 


1729] French Regime in Wisconsin 


[Extract of a letter from Beauharnois and Hocquart to the French 
Minister, dated Oct. 25, 1729. Source, same as preceding document, 
but vol. 51, c. 11, fol. 22. An abstract of the same is given in N. Y. 
Colon Docs., ix, pp. 1016, 1017; also in Margry, Decouv. et etahl, vi, 
pp. 559-565.] 



It is true that tlie fort built by tlie Frencli among the Sioux 
on the sbore of Lake Pepin seems to be in a bad situation on 
account of the overflow of the Waters, but really in 1727 They 
rose higher than they have ever donei before, according to what 
the savages say, and this may be relied on, for this year They 
have not approached the fort. 

When the Sieur de la Perriere, placed the fort at that Spot, 
he had previously caused the savages to be asked whether it 
would be safe from Inundations, and the answer received was 
that the Waters did not rise to that height. He considered at 
the same time that he could not place it in a better Spot, both 
as regards the quality of the land suitable for Cultivation and 
on accoumt of the abundance of Game. These two reasons, one 
being as necessary as the other (added to what the savages had 
told hird Respecting the Inundation that he feared), induced 
him to decide upon placing the Fort at that Spot after consider- 
ing all its advantages. But as it may happen that the Waters 
will rise as They did in 1727, the fort might be placed four or 
five Arpents from the shore of the Lake Without this Removal 
being prejudicial to the Views that caused it to be built at the 
Spot where it now is. 

It does not seem probable, Monseigneur, that either the Set- 
tlement or the fort should have given any Umbrage to the sioux, 
who had themselves asked for it, and the good reception that 
they gave the French on their arrival among them seems to 
contradict what has been written to you on the subject. It is 
quite true that shortly after the arrival of the French those 
Savages started on their hunt, as they are in the habit of doing 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

for their Subsistence and that of their families who have no 
other means of Livelihood, since they sovr nothing. I have just 
been informed that their absence was due solely to their meeting 
(on arriving at their Hunting grounds) a number of the prairie 
sioux who Asked them to join them in their war against the 
Mahas;^ they agreed to do so and that is the reason why we 
had no news of them by the Oanoe that the Sieu.r de la Perriere 
had Sent with ten men to ascertain what had become of them, 
for they returned only in the month of July Following. 

When you did me the honor of writing to me that I had said 
nothing to you on the design that I had had of Establishing the 
post among the sioux, it was solely, Monseigneur, in Execution 
of the article of the King's memorial of one thousand Seven 
hundred and twenty six ordering me to neglect nothing to carry 
out His Majesty's Views respecting an Establishment at that 
Place, and to Induce two missionaries to go with the com- 
mandant whom I sent there. I Felt the necessity of this too 
much not to give all my attention to it. The welfare of the 
service, that of the Colony, and of EeligiouL, were at stake, and 
what you have done me the honor of writing to me about it 
seems to contain these three principles. Moreover, it seemed 
all the more necessary to have Established that post since there 
is no doubt that the Renards (in their defeat) would have 
found refuge among the sioux had not the French been estab- 
lished there. And at present we attribute the docility and sub- 
mission manifested by the Penards solely to the attentions and 
to the advantageous offers made by the Sioux to the French of 
which the Penards are fully aware. 

The post would therefore be necessary in order to Maintain 
the sioux in these happy dispositions, to keep the Penards in 
check, and to frustrate the steps that they might take to win the 
hearts of the Sioux, who will always reject their proposals so 
long as they see the French among them, and so long as the post 
that we have Established there shall exist. But although all the 
advantages that I have just had the honor of pointing out to Yon 

iSee Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, p. 100, note. — Ed. 


French Regime in Wisconsin 

in connection with tlie Importance of maintaining that Estab- 
lishment seem to me to be indispensably necessary, I cannot how- 
ever come to any decision until I have received news of the 
French who asked me leave to go np there this Summer with a 
Canoe loaded with Goods, and who expect to pass by way of the 
santeux of la pointe ; and until I am sure that the French who 
have wintered there have not abandoned the fort, And that the 
sioux are in the same Dispositions. Moreover it does not seem 
very easy in the present juncture to maintain that Post without 
having a lasting peace with the Renards. On the other hand, 
the majority of the Company that made the treaty of which I 
have had the honor of Sending You a Copy, have renounced it 
and no longer Wish to send there. The rupture that we have 
had with the Renards, through whose country one must pass to 
go by Canoe to the Sioux, have Induced them to think of it 
no longer. But in either case a remedy might be applied. 
There is every probability that the Renards will come next year 
to sue for peace, or that they will Send on their behalf. Thus 
by granting it to them on fair conditions, there will bei nothing 
tx) fear in going to the Sioux. Another Company might also be 
formed less E'umerous than the first, with which a new treaty 
could be Made ; or it might be made with some good traders who 
could undertake the advances. These difficulties would thereby 
soon Be removed. There is but one, Monseigneur, which I 
deem it my duty to unite with Monsieur Hocquart in taking the 
liberty of Pointing out to You. It is that of sending up an 
officer as commandant and another as second in command with 
some Soldiers, whom it Would be absolutely necessary to Send 
there to maintain order at that post, and the Missionaries would 
not go there either without a Commandant. As this matter af- 
fects the service and the Expense thereof would have to be 
defrayed by His Majesty, this leads us to take the liberty, Mon- 
seigneur, of asking your orders on this point. We shall Induce 
as many traders of that post as we can to undertake that expense 
(which may amount to a thousand or Fifteen hundred livres per 
annum for the commandant and for the second in command, pro 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

rata). But inasmuch, as at the beginning of an Establishment 
There are more expenses to be incurred than profits to be 
received, we do not believe that the associated merchants will 
undertake it. And, in such case, we beg you to honor us with 
his majesty's orders on this point, and to let us know what he 
thinks of the necessity of preserving for ourselves so Advan- 
tageous a Post, and a nation that has already given us proofs of 
its faithfulness and of its attachment. You might, Mon- 
seigneur, communicate to us his majesty's Intentions On the 
subject by the Isle Eoyalle, or by the first merchant vessels sail- 
ing for this Colony. The time necessary for obtaining news of 
what may have occurred among the sioux since the spring will 
also give us leisure to await his majesty's orders before doing 
anything. The Sieur de Beauharnois will neglect nothing cal- 
culated to keep the Sioux favorably disposed toward the French 
as they are at present (pending his Majesty's decision) and he 
will devote his whole attention to it. 

He Will Inform the Sieur Deschaillons of what you are 
pleased to notify him in connection with tbe Allowance of two 
thousand pounds of powder that he asked for his Post [at 

We have the honor to be with, very profound respect, Mon- 
seigneur, Your very humble and very obedient servants, 


Quebec, October 25th, 1729. 


[Letter of Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated Oct. 25, 1729. 
Source, same as preceding document, but vol. 51, c. 11, fol. 164.] 

Mois-sEiGNEUR — I bave the honor to Send You the Extract 
from a Letter written to me by Monsieur de la Come respecting 
the attack by the Outawacs of Missilimakinac, the f olles avoines 
And the puants Fpon a Eenard Village. The news was brought 


1729] French Regime in Wisconsin 

to him by three nipissingiies who stated that they had received 

it from some sauteux of Lake huron who were returning from 


I have the honor to be with very profound respect, Mon- 

seigneur, Your very humble and very obedient Servant, 

Quebec, October 25th, 1729. 

[Enclosure in the above, dcited Oct. 12, 1729. Source, same as preced- 
ing document, but fol. 1C6.] 

I have just learned from three nipissingiies who come from 
the Lake of that Name, where they went to Seek their father, 
that the band of Outawax that was formed there This Summer, 
had joined The folles avoines And some Sauteurs, And that 
after gathering together a rather large party, they went to 
attack The Farthest of the three Renard villages, thinking that 
they would be less on their guard than the two nearer ones, and 
that they killed one hundred persons, of whom thirty were men 
And seventy women or Children; And that they lost ten men, 
ITamely : three Outawax, three folles avoines And four puants, 
who Were on our side (These are those puants who came This 
Summer to Michilimakina). These people assure me that the 
news is true. And state that they received it from some Sauteurs 
of Lake huron who were returning from the war members of 
that same party. They assert that they have Many -prisoners 
And that the scalps have Been divided among the Tribes of the 
said Lake. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. 


[Letter and accounts during captivity, sent the French Minister by 
Beauharnois and Hocquart, dated Oct. 25, 1729. MSS. in Minist&re des 
Colonies, Paris; press-mark, "Canada, Corresp. g^n., vol. 51, c. 11, 
fols. 88-92.'T 

MoNsiEGNEUR — We have the honor to Send you herewith a 
memorial handed ns by the Sieur de Boucherville to be ad- 
dressed to you, concerning the presents he was obliged to give 
during his detention amongst the Quicapoux with Reverend 
father Guignass and other Frenchmen who were with himi 
It seems to us, Monseigneur, that this expense was all the more 
necessary under the circumstances in which he was placed, that 
it was the only way in which he could save himself, and that the 
danger that threatened them could only be Evaded by Winning 
over the Savages by presents as he did. We Hope, Monseig- 
neur, that you will be pleased to approve the same and order 
that he be reimbursed for this expense that he could not avoid 
incurring. It is indeed fortunate that he should have had those 
Goods which contributed to their escape from the peril in which 
they Stood. 

We have the honor to be with very profound respect, Mon- 
seigneur, Your very humble and very obedient servants 



Quebec, October 25th, 1729. 

As that officer has incurred such a heavy expense, We have 
caused Four hundred livres to be given him on Account Pending 
your orders. 

B. H. 


1729] French Regime in Wisconsin 

Memorandum of Goods which Monsieur de Boucherville Was 
obliged to give for the King's Service from the time of his 
detention Amongst the quikapoux on October 12, 1728, Unr 
til his return to Detroit in the month of June of The year 

Prices in 

Profit at one 
per cent 

On reaching the village of the quika- 

[li 7res] 


poux He gave a present to all The 


Young men to Induce Them to oppose 

the designs of some evil-Intentioned 

old men 



two Barrels of powder, each containing 

fifty Livres, costing at Montreal 

prices The sum of one hundred & 

Fifty Livres 



A Hundred Livres of lead and Bullets 

amounting to The sum of 50 livres 



four Livres of vermillion at Twelve 

francs per livre amounting to The 

sum of 48 livres 



four Braided Coats at twenty francs 

per Coat, 80 livres 



six dozen knives at four francs per 

Dozen 24 livres 



four Hundred gun-flints, one Hundred 

Ramrod-screws, two Hundred fire- 

steels, one Hundred and Fifty awls, 

The whole Estimated, at invoice 

prices, at ninety Livres 



When the Quikapoux Had refused us 

to the Renards, They wished to Console 

Them by other civilities and I was com- 

pelled to give Them the following which 

served to weep for and to cover The 

renard dead. i 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. 

Prices in 

Profit at one 
per cent 

two Braided coats at twenty francs 
each, amounting to 40 livres 

two Cloth Blankets at 15 livres each, 
making 30 livres 

Fifty Livres of powder at 30 sols, mak- 
ing 75 livres 

Fifty Livres of lead at 10 sols, amount- 
ing to The sum of 25 livres 

two Livres of vermilion at Twelve 

francs per livre, amounting to 24 


Also given to the renards without the 

knowledge of the Quikapoux, in order to 

Cover Their dead and request Them to 

remain Quiet in Their Village, to which 

I added a few words leading Them tc 

Hope for peace. 

Fifty Livres of powder amounting to 
seventy five Livres 

one Hundred Livres of lead at ten sols 
amounting to fifty francs 

two Livres of vermilion at 12 livres, 
making 24 liires 

two Blue Blankets at 15 livres each, 

two other White ones at 10 livres each, 
making 20 livres 

four men's Shirts at 6 livres each, 
making 24 livres 

four pairs of mitassesi at 6 livres each, 
making 24 livres 

four dozen knives at 4 livres per dozen, 
making 16 livres 

Ramrod-screws, fire-steels, awls and 
gun-flints Estimated at 40 livres 














150 livres 

iSee Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, p. 124.— Ed. 



719] French Regime in Wisconsin 

given for the purpose of Inducing The 
jcapoux to Establish themselves on a 
eighboring Island to secure them from 
18 Treachery of the renards which we 
ad Every Reason to fear. 
)ur Cloth Blankets at 15 livres each 

making 60 livres 
)ur pairs of mitasses at 6 livres per 

pair, making 24 livres 
NO Livres of vermilion at 12 livres, 

making 24 livres 
mr dozen Butcher's knives at 6 livres 

per dozen, making 24 livres 
During The winter a large party was 
)t together for the purpose of attack- 
g The Illinois and I did All 1 could 
• words and presents to stop It, which 
succeeded in doing: 
Given at that time: 
1 Cloth blankets at 15 livres each, 
I amounting to The sum of 30 livres 
Ijir pairs of mitasses at 6 livres per 

pair, making 24 livres 
f|ir shirts at 6 livres each making 24 
j livres 
Cir dozen knives at 4 livres per dozen, | 

making 16 livres { 


he renards having Betrayed And! 

Kled their brothers The quikapoux I 

k advantage of this favorable oppor- 

ity and induced the latter to avenge 

llmselves. To that end I gave them: 

Anty five Livres of powder at 30 sols, 

making Thirty seven Livres ten 









120 livrei 




Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. 


Prices in 

Profit at one 
per cent 

Twenty five Livres of lead and Bullets 
at 10 sols, making 12 livres 10 sols 

2 guns at thirty Livres each, making 
60 livres 

Half a Livre of vermilion at 6 livres 

Gun-flints, Ramrod-screws and knives 

When the Illinois came to the village 
of the quikapoux, I fed them at my ex- 
pense and gave them presents of pow- 
der. Bullets and Shirts, The whole Es- 
timated at 

And when I left The quikapoux, I 
gave the village The remainder of my 
Goods to thank Them for Their Good 
Treatment — Estimated at eighty francs. 














[Letter of Beauharnois and Hocquart to the French Minister, date 
October 25, 1729. MS. in archives of MinistSre des Colonies, Paris 
press-mark, "Canada, Corresp. g6n., vol. 51, c. 11, fol. 69."] ! 


MoNSEiGNEUR — ^We have received the Letter you did us thj 
honor of writing us on Maj 22, last, on the subject of tl! 
copper mine on the west point of Lake Superior. The Sieur d' 
Gavagnial/ to whom the Sieur Marquis de Beauharnois hal 
ordered a specimen from the mine to be given in order tha^ 
might be presented to you, did not inquire closely into the 
of expressly sending a Canoe there when he told you that 
would amount to a Thousand Livres only for the food and ws 

iSee note on Pierre Frangois Rigault, Marquis de Vaudreuil, ar 
p. 31.— Ed. 


129] French Regime in Wisconsin 

o" three men; nor did he consider the difficulties that would 
b ) encountered in conveying Five thousand livres weight of the 
0*6 in Bark Canoes that would inevitably be wrecked if struck 
by a squall on that Lake while approaching shore — as ore can- 
not be landed as easily as packages of Furs. 

We will neglect no steps, Monseigneur, to procure information 
83 to the quality and quantity of the ore in the mine, And to 
tliat End, the Sieur de Beauhamois will send orders next spring 
to the officer commanding at the point of Chagoiiamigon to in- 
struct some voyageurs who may pass by that Spot to bring as 
much ore as they can from the mine with a detailed Report on 
its situation and Extent, which we shall have the honor to send 
you when we receive it. It is impossible to get information 
about it, otherwise, since you do not deem it advisable to send 
an especial Canoe thither.^ 

We have the honor to be with very profound respect, Mon- 
seigneur, Your very humble and very obedient servants 


Quebec, October 25th, 1729. 


[Letters of Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated May 6 and 
June 25, 17^0, detailing further attacks made by the French Indians 
upon the Foxes, and the preparation of an expedition under Dubuisson, 
commandant at Mackinac, are in Wis. Hist. Colls., v, pp. 104-107. 
Transcripts of the original letters from the Paris archives are in the 
collections of the Society. The word in the first letter translated "flat- 
boats" should be "cabins."] 

1 Marginal note on MS., added at Paris: "They will send a detailed 
report next year on the Copper Mine. It is expected that they will 
omit no explanations." 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. 


[Extract of a letter from Marin to Beauharnois, dated in the country 
of the Folles-Avoines, May 11, 1730.i MS., in archives of MinistSre 
des Colonies, Paris; press-mark, "Collection Moreau-St. M6ry, vol. 9, 
f. 11, fol. 288."] 

On my arrival at the Village of tlie folles avoines I was very 
well received with some Calumets, according to custom, by the 
old men who Had remained in the fort. They said to me: 
''My father, we will let you rest today and tomorrow we will 
speak to you." 

On the following day they began by Spreading a mat, and, by 
a Collar, they spoke to me as follows: "Here is a mat, my 
father, on which we beg you to rest and to be pleased to kindle 
your fire here and never Extinguish it; for we are resolved to 
Listen attentively to your word, which is that of our father 
Onontio, who no doubt has pity on us since he has Stent you to 
assist us. Have pity, therefore, my father (they said to me) 
and look upon us as the faithful and true children of Onontio. 
We need your help in the sad position in which we are placed." 
This I granted them, assuring them of your protection. Mon- 
sieur, and of mine if necessary. 

Afterwards, I attentively considered the best place I could 
find whereat to build a fort capable of protecting all my people 
and myself against the Enemy's assaults in case of attack, ac- 
cording to the orders which you. Monsieur, did me the honor of 
giving me, at my departure. But, as I found nothing more suit- 
able than the fort already built, I decided to establish myself 
in it, after repairing it, both by replacing the portions of the 
palisade that were missing, and by roofing the French houses 
with Bark instead of with the straw that covered them, in order 
to Avert the danger of fire. I also had the ground cleared of 

iThis is the enclosure referred to in Beauharnois's letter of June 25, 
1730, in Wis. Hist. Colls., v, p. 106.— Ed. 


1730] French Regime in Wisconsin 

trees and everything in the Vicinity removed that might give 
any advantage to ani assailant.^ 

On the tenth of September, the puants returned from a Hunt- 
ing expedition, and at once came to tell me that they would again 
repeat the same promise they had already given to their father 
Onontio last year, and that they would add a second by a few 
words, which they explained to me at the time by three Slaves, 
Baying: "We all come here, my father, to make thee under- 
stand clearly that the blow we have just struck at the renard in 
concert with our brothers, the foUes avoines and Outaouoys, is a 
convincing proof of the fidelity we have promised our father 
Onontio, as his submissive and obedient childi*en, and tliat noth- 
ing can change our Hearts." 

They also presented me at the same time, with three other 
Slaves whom they told me they had intended to give Monsieur 
The Commandant of Missilimakinac, as one of their nearest 
fathers, that he might have pity on them in the pressing need 
in which they were of ail things in general and, in particular, 
of powder, Bullets, hatchets, guns, and knives; but, inasmuch 
as they saw in me a man Sent by Onontio, their true father, 
to govern and assist them in their necessities, they begged me to 
accept the slaves from them and at the same time to Consider the 
state of Extreme penury in which they Were, being in need 
of everything. To this I replied at once by giving them what 
they most needed. 

Some days afterwards, the puants went to la Baye with their 
families to live, and Left them there while they proceeded to 
find out whether the renard was not in their country, and to 
ascertain whether he had ravaged their Corn-fields. They found, 
that everything was in almost the same Condition that they had 
left It, and that the Renard had withdrawn. This Induced 
them to come back to la Baye for their families, and return to 

iDe Lignery having destroyed the fort at Green Bay, which was 
not rebuilt until 1732 (see post), Marin appears to have repaired a 
French trading post at the Menominee Indian village on the west 
side of Green Bay, near Menominee River. — Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

Settle in their own country. They camped on a small island at 
a distance of About an arpent or two from the island on which 
their former Village Was situated/ being quite confident that 
the Eenards Had gone away permanently. But they were not 
left long in peace, for the Eenards came to infest not only them 
and all their families, but also a number of Saquis who Were 
with Them, and Camped in two different forts below the island 
on which their former fort Stood, so as to attack them on all 
sides, Being at a distance of an arpent and a half at the most, 
and the Biver being easy to cross as the Water was only knee- 
deep. They began first by attacking two puants, who were fish- 
ing with spears. These they killed, and one of their own people 
was killed also. They fought thus for nearly forty eight hours 
without speaking to one another. At the end of that time the 
Puants, being the first to begin the address, called out to the 
Eenards: "What does this mean, my brothers? We are Sur- 
prised that you should attack us today without saying anything. 
Know you not that we are always your true brothers, since we 
have always been so from The olden times of our forefathers. 
It is true (they added) that you have to reproach us with hav- 
ing dipped our hands in your blood, by Delivering two of your 
people to the Otitaouoys and folles avoines. But If we did, it 
was because we were forced to do so, and could not help it. 
liTevertheless, we are now filled with regret at having done so, 
and we will show you that we are still prepared to give you 
proofs of the Sincere affection we have always had for you. We 
have here four folles Avoines whom we will deliver into your 
hands to do with as you will in payment and compensation for 
the loss of the two [Eenards] just mentioned." They at once 
led out two of them bound ; and, after cutting off the heads of 
the two others, they immediately carried these to them, begging 
the Eenards to cease to be angry with them and to have pity on 

iThe island on which the Winnebago village had formerly stood, 
was that now known as Doty Island, and a part of Neenah, Wis. A 
small island below this, in Little Lake Butte des Morts, would appear 
to have been the site of the fort where the events described In this 
document occurred. — Ed. 


130] French Regime in Wisconsin 

ti em. But the Renards replied that they had not yet had time 
U taste the broth they had given them to drink; that there was 
D>t enough to satisfy so many as they Were; that they must 
aso deliver into their hands the four of their number who had 
bsen cowardly enough to give up their people to the Outaouoys 
and folles Avoines, their Enemies; and that when they had 
drunk the broth, they would see Whether they were sufficiently 
satiated to be able to grant their request. This proposal seemed 
too great an insult to the Puants to allow of their consenting to 
it ; they therefore prepared to sustain the siege and defend them- 
selves as well as they could, having food for a couple of months. 

During the interval of the Fight that lasted nearly a month 
and a half, the folles avoines became uneasy at not seeing the 
Puants walking about in their midst as usual, or any of their 
people who Were with Them, and six of their number went 
within sight of the Eenards' forts which they saw distinctly, to 
find out whether their tribesmen Were with the Puants. Being 
unable to. enter their fort without risking their lives, they re- 
traced their steps, and hastened to give information of what was 
going on to their people, who, at the time, Were at a distance of 
a short day's journey from my fort; they were pursued by the 
Renards who Had perceived that they were on the march but 
who were unable to overtake them. 

The folles avoines at once deputed one of their chiefs, to beg 
me to be good enough to have pity on Them, by placing myself 
at their head to extricate their people from the perilous position 
in which they were placed, and, at the same time, to bring aid to 
the puants who, judging from what they had seen, were greatly 
in need of it, as they were almost at the mercy of the Renards, 
tmless succor were brought them. I replied that as I had been 
sent by you. Monsieur, to be a father to them in their needs, I 
Was ready to help them in war as well as in other things, being 
convinced that this could but be agreeable to you, and that I 
would march alone at their head because I could not make up 
my mind to leave my fort undefended, and that I had to leave 
the French who Were Avith me to guard it. Two or three days af- 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

terwards, they came and begged me to counsel them as to what 
they should do : whether to leave their women and Children in a 
fort at the place where they Were, or to bring them out on the 
Lake shore, I told them that I I^eft the decision to them and 
had no advice to give them. Thereupon they finally decided to 
bring them to my fort, after considering for a long while 
Whether they would have sufficient time to do so, fearing that 
the delay would be fatal to the Undertaking they had in view of 
going to free their people from the hands of the Renard. In fact 
they took a very long time to start, and afterwards they again 
begged me to remember the promise I had given them to march 
at their head ; and to be good enough to allow their women and 
Children to remain in my fort under the protection and guid- 
ance of the Frenchmen whom I should Leave there and of some 
of their old men who Were not in a Condition for such a march. 
I answered that, as I had given my word, I Was not desirous of 
withdrawing it, provided that they would always do what I 
wished, and await my counsels; I also told them that, after 
seeing the Renard and doing what I Wished to do, I would go no 
further, but would return. When matters had been thus ar- 
ranged and as I was about to start, being the only Frenchman 
with them, my people who Were with me, came and begged me, 
as a favor, to allow them to accompany me, saying that they 
would be delighted to benefit by the advantages they already 
promised themselves to gain with me over that cursed nation of 
the Renard, and that they positively could not reconcile them- 
selves to the idea of seeing me start on such an Undertaking 
without Freely and heartily offering me the services they owed 
to their prince, and that they would even be in despair were I 
to refuse to accept them. Although I had intended to not Eix- 
pose to danger, a single one besides myself, I could not refuse 
young men who seemed full of Spirit and Courage, and I chose 
Five of them to accompany me, representing to the four others 
that I could not avoid showing the savages the interest I took 
in them, by placing their women and Children under their 
guard during the Campaign. 


1730] French Regime in Wisconsin 

We set out therefore, on the following day, to the number of 
forty persons in all, taking all the precautions I considered 
necessary to prevent our approach from being discovered. On 
the sixth day of our journey, the 19th of March, we reached 
Coulimy,^ where we had to make a portage, a league and a half 
from the fort of the Puants, whither we proceeded somewhat 
slowly to avoid being discovered by anyone as I feared that. If 
the Puants were the first to perceive us, they might make some 
demonstration that would bring on an attack by the Renards 
before we Had time to place ourselves in slight entrenchments ; 
neither did I wish to throw myself rashly into their fort, with- 
out informing them of the reason that had Induced me to come 
to them, because they would be sure to distrust us owing to their 
having delivered to the Eenards the brothers of those for whom 
I Was prepared to fight — although they w^ere not aware of this 
nor was I myself aware of the other fact. Moreover, I was 
unable to reach them without running a risk, because I could 
not do otherwise than land at one of the Places on the island 
where the Water was deepest. The Renards Being camped 
where it was shallowest, and (as I have already had the honor 
of informing you. Monsieur) watching The fort of the Puants 
in such a manner as to allow nobody to approach it without oppo- 
sition. I therefore decided to have a slight entrenchment 
thrown up at once, forbidding our people to use their axes to 
cut wood lest they should Be Heard by the Renards, who Were 
not very Far from us, while I Went a little to one side to observe 
their movements. As we Had arrived About ten o'clock in the 
morning, I resolved to wait until night to inform the Puants 
that we Had come to their assistance and to ask them to Send 
some Canoes in case we should need them. But our people, not 
heeding my orders, struck some blows with their axes which 
were Heard by the Renards, who issued from the two forts in 
which they Were posted, and attacked us with some violence 
before we had time to finish our small redoubt. When I saw 

iThis is probably a corruption of the text for Cacalin (Kakalin), the 
rapids of the Fox River, where Kaukauna now stands. — Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

them approaching I called out to our people to take courage and 
show the Eenards what we Were, and we attacked Them without 
Mercy, Forcing them back to the gates of their fort. When 
they reached there, they stopped fighting for a while, and called 
out to me that they were surprised that I should, with such 
Ardor, take the part of a nation who, not Long before, had 
Delivered four of my Children to them to be put into the Kettle 
to replace those of their own people whom they had Delivered to 
the Outaouoys and f olles Avoines The previous Summer. When 
the latter Heard this they tried at Once to Induce me to avenge 
the treachery of which the P'uants had been guilty towards them 
by committing So foul a deed, without having Been forced to 
do so, after they themselves had United with the Outaouoys and 
f olle avoines to eat the Renards. But, foreseeing the regrettable 
consequences that might result from such a Step, I said to them : 
"My Children, I admit that the treachery of the puants towards 
you fully deserves your resentment, and that you cannot too 
deeply regret your brothers. You must however remember 
that I consented to place myself at your head to come and kill 
Eenards and not Puants. Although I do not tell you what is in 
my mind for the present, let us continue what we have begun 
and be very careful not to let the Puants find out your hatred 
of Them if you do not wish to excite distrust in them which may 
take away the courage they need to defend Themselves properly. 
On the contrary I Exhort you to put on a good Face before them 
and to Encourage them to sustain what they have already so 
Vigorously kept up until our arrival ; for If, at first, we behave 
otherwise towards them, the Eenards will not fail to take 
advantage of such a division to win from us all the advantages 
we might give them on this occasion." It was not long before 
we Were attacked a second time by the Eenards, who endeavored 
to surround, and capture us, and when night came, they Deputed 
two of their number to speak to me in order to ascertain our 
position in our slight entrenchment. They stated, as a pretext, 
that they wanted the night for rest that both sides might sleep ; 
that, in order to do so without distrust, one of them would sleep 
with us while one of our people should go and sleep with the 


1730] French Regime in Wisconsin 

other at their fort. They thought thereby to banish all sus- 
picion from our minds. I Was, however, informed by a fol 
Avoine who had Overheard what one of the Eenards had said to 
his Comrade, respecting the steps they were to take during our 
sleep, telling him that as soon as he found us Asleep, he would 
slip away and warn the Eenards, who would at once attack us. 
Being aware of their design, I took no steps, and told them at 
once to withdraw and that before the night was half over, they 
would find me nearer their fort than they expected ; that I Was 
in no humor to receive their compliments, after they had in- 
sulted me as they had done on my arrival. It is true that those 
two Eenards had chosen that time solely for the purpose of 
watching what we might be doing during the night, to Prevent 
us from working at our entrenchment. We Had received a re- 
inforcement of ten Puant warriors who Had crossed over to our 
assistance when they saw that we had come to defend them. 
Meanwhile, the Eenards had already asked beforehand to speak 
to me and begged me to Hear them before going further, and the 
folles avoines, Being anxious to know their thoughts, urged me 
to Hear them for a moment. But I replied: "What do you 
wish to Hear from those evil men ? They are capable only of 
betraying you and me also. Therefore I refuse positively to 
Listen to their evil speeches." The folles avoines persisted in 
asking me to Listen to them since they addressed themselves 
to me only, and finally I consented, making Them understand 
that If I did so, it was solely through regard for Them, and 
because they urged me to it. Then the Eenards spoke to me 
as follows: "We Know that thou hast come here solely to pro- 
tect those dogs whom, without thee, we should have eaten. They 
are cowards who have already sacrificed us not long ago to our 
own Enemies, and who have outraged thee thyself in the ten- 
derest spot thou couldst expect, by delivering into our hands 
thine own Children that we might drink their blood. And we 
are surprised that thou shouldst display such Ardor, on behalf 
of people who are so little worthy of thy protection." I replied 
at once that I had resolved to help the Puants, solely because I 
still believed them to be true children of onontio, their father, 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

to whom they had promised fealty last year and that, having 
Been warned of the Eenards' wickedness and treachery on all 
occasions, I conld not rely on their word, adding that I could 
not Trust them, after all the treacherous acts of which they 
had been gnilty Towards the French whom they had betrayed 
on several occasions ; that If it Were true that the puants had 
acted as they (the Eenards) said they had, I would Avenge 
myself on Them Without requiring the Assistance of anybody, 
but that, before doing so, I wished to ascertain the whole Truth. 
While I was holding this Conversation with them, they were 
posting two parties in Ambush About an arpent from my posi- 
tion. I noticed this at the time, and as I already had some 
Wounded, I was somewhat at a Loss as to how I should save 
them because it was impossible for them to walk. I neverthe- 
less ventured to Attempt to reach the fort of the Puants who, in 
the darkness, had Sent me three canoes to facilitate the removal 
of my Wounded. This was effected with the gi*eatest precau- 
tions ; I myself went to beguile the Renards with many threats^ 
while my Wounded were Embarked in the canoes. That night, 
Being the second from the day on which I arrived, I also gained 
the fort of the Puants; shortly afterwards, in spite of all the 
shots fired at us by the Renards while crossing, against which we 
protected ourselves quite easily in the darkness of a night that 
seemed given us to favor our retreat. 

On entering the fort, I found only people mourning and 
ashamed at the Sight of their Deliverers. I therefore hastened 
to call out in a loud voice, ^'What are you thinking of, you 
puants who are our brothers, and why are you in Such deep 
sorrow, at a ,time w'hen you should rejoice at Seeing one of the 
elders of onontio, your father, coming to your assistance, for 
it is true that I Am here solely for the purpose of saving your 
lives and of delivering you from the hands of those evil men who 
seem anxious to destroy you without sparing a single one of you ? 
Arm yourselves, therefore, with joy and courage and act like 
those whom I have brought with me and who are your brothers, 
thinking of nothing but defending your Lives and those of your 
wives and Children and of all your allies." 


17 JO] French Regime in Wisconsin 

A fol Avoine, an Old man, and a woman wlio Were then the 
01 ly members of that tribe amongst the Puants, were the first 
to present themselves to me and they told me and their people, 
that they begged me to take revenge while it was in my power on 
the Puants, whom they considered their chief Enemies, after 
the cowardly deed they had committed by Handing over their 
brothers to the fury of the Renards, and they added that, 
without my assistance, they could not have Hoped for four hours 
of life, from the thorough knowledge they had of the evil hearts 
of the Puants. When our people, the folles avoines. Heard these 
words, they were On the point of forgetting what they had 
promised me, to keep silent on the Subject as I had requested 
them, and of asking me almost positively to Promise to allow 
them to take their revenge in the fort itself. I diverted their 
lattention at the moment in order to induce them to think that 
the only thing to be done then was to try and win a victory over 
the Eenards, Their cruelest Enemies, and I told them that I 
Iwould afterwards think of the steps I would take with regard to 
the Puants. When day came the puants, who were somewhat 
reassured by what I had said to them, thought of nothing else 
but of fighting together with us Without any apprehension, for 
the Renards never ceased firing at us continually without inter- 
ruption. Oil the third day, the Renards asked for speech 
with me and for a cessation of hostilities for a time, that they 
might represent to me what they had already said to me con- 
peming my taking the part of the Puants, adding that If I 
fvould visit their fort it would afford them a real pleasure; that 
fheir young men would receive me with open arms, in the Hope 
[hat I would inspire all with good sense. But, although they 
ieemed sincere, judging by the manner in which they gave me to 
understand this, I nevertheless placed no reliance on what they 
aid and considered that they wanted to set a trap for me in 
rder to take me easily. But, as I did not wish them to see at 
)nce that I fathomed their designs, I Contented myself with 
elling them that I could not consent to their proposal Without 
larming my Children who would perhaps be afraid of losing 
leir father through such an act of Folly ; that, so far as I waa 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. svi 

concerned, Were I Alone, I would willingly visit them withoul 
fear of death, all the more so that I had never feared it, anc 
before they could kill me I should probably kill several of theii 
number; but that as I Was at the head of a small band of lb 
faithful Children of onontio, The father of all the I^ations, ] 
must be careful not to abandon them and that, far from doin^ 
so, I could assure them that they would always Find me at theii 
head to encourage them; that I merely asked them to resisi 
this paltry Attack, as I myself would, without fear. It is true 
Monsieur, that in order to give the Eenards reason to Dreac 
that we might in the future inflict a disastrous blow on then 
(not knowing when we might be able to get away from there), 1 
added that, as my flag Was planted in their Sight, it would nevei 
be taken down until my death, and that they might expect tc 
see a similar one before long. I Considered that the famine 
from which we already suffered would continue ; the Puants 
had suffered from it for nearly four or five days before I entered 
their fort, being reduced to eating bear skins and similai 
things, while I myself and all my people were obliged to follo^^ 
tlieir Example for five Days. About seven o'clock in the mom 
ing of the fourth day of our Fight, The Eenards, seeing that W6 
were determined to resist Them for a long while, asked me 
whether I had lost many of my Children ; they said they Knev; 
very well that they had seen several fall On the spot and that ii 
I would tell them the Truth they would do the same in this 
Respect. I replied that, although I had no Account to rendei 
them in the matter, I was willing, in order to Satisfy them, tc 
let them know that I was no weaker on that day than on the firsi 
day of the fight; that the fact of their having killed five or sb 
of my people, and having Wounded as many more would no* 
Prevent my vanquishing them. In Fact I had lost one French 
man who was killed On the spot, while two others were wounded. 
one dangerously; three foUes avoines also had been killed anc 
seven wounded. They admitted that fifteen had been killed anc 
wounded on their Side ; we Were sure of Seven whose heads we 
had cut off. I Know not. Monsieur, whether at that momen^ 
terror did not take possession of the hearts of that wicked ITal 

[98] . I 


■ I 1730] 

French Regime in Wisconsin 

tion, for from that time they secretly sent out of tBeir forts, Tho 
old men, the women, and the Children that they might fly in 
advance of them, the warriors only remaining to face us until 
night, of whose protection it w^as natural for us to presume that 
they also took advantage to withdraw. On the following day, 
which was the fifth of our Comhat, we observed Ravens alighting 
in their forts; this left us no doubt that they Were no longer 
there, and Induced us at the sam.e time to go there without 
distrust. We found that they had fled somewhat precipitately, 
inasmuch as they had left behind them a portion of their effects 
and all their apuJcois (of which they generally make their Cab- 
ins).^ I at once resolved to retire to my post. Taking with me 
all the Puants, whom I left on the Way at la Baye, where they 
Established themselves in a fort. 

Some time after my return, the folles avoines came to speak to 
me with a Collar and some branches of porcelain, saying: "My 
father, thou Knowest that we have always kept our mouths 
closed until now Regarding the cowardice and black perfidy dis- 
played against us by the puants in Delivering our brothers to 
the Renards to be eaten, because thou hadst begged us not to 
take revenge for it while we Were in their country and in a posi- 
tion to do so ; but today we ask thee as a favor to permit us to 
destroy them while they are here near us." I told them at 
once that I would willingly consent were it not that the Matter 
seemed to me to demand considerable attention and that, as I 
was About to start for Missilimakinac for the purpose of dili- 
gently informing their father Onontio of everything that Had 
happened from the day of my arrival among Them to that of 
my departure which would shortly take place, I begged them to 
defer the destruction of the Puant until their father onontio 
had himself decided it; and that by doing so they would con- 
vince me of their good dispositions and perfect obedience. 

They also told me. Monsieur, that after the Blow they had 

iThe apaquois were mats made of reeds, which most of the Wis- 
consin Indians used in making cabins, and for many other purposes. 
See Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, pp. S66, 368, 369, 374.— Ed. 

7 [99] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

struck At the Eenards with the Oiitaouoys last Summer, they 
had been invited by the latter to accompany them once more 
and that thus If they Came to ask the same thing of them this 
year they would go with pleasure and requested me to place 
myself at their head. 



[Letter of commandant at Detroit (Deschaillons) to Beauharnois, 
dated Aug. 22, 1730. MS. in archives of Minist^re des Colonies, Paris; 
press-mark, "Canada, Corresp. gen., vol. 53, c. 11, fol. 207-214."] 

Monsieur — I have the honor to inform You that a Savage 
has just arrived from the river St. Joseph who reports that two 
days previous to His departure two Mascoutin couriers had 
arrived in haste to ask Monsieur devilliers for Assistance and 
for powder; that they had taken only two days to come from 
their country. Such is the news told me by the Savage who 
has arrived here that the mascoutin couriers had given at the 
river St. Joseph, ^Namely, Monsieur, that the renards were fight- 
ing with the Illinois, between le rocher^ and the ouiatanon. 
When the poux,^ mascoutins, and quiquapoux Learned this, they 
marched thither, and while they advanced by slow stages be- 
cause they had with Them a wounded man whom they were 
obliged to carry, A couple of young men pushed ahead; but, 
after marching a short distance, those two young men saw in 
a plain the renards fighting against the ilinois; they at once 
came back to warn the main body of Their troops, who fell 
Upon the renards. Consequently the renards found themselves 
by this attack hemmed in by the ilinois on one side and on the 

iFor location of this Illinois landmark, see Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, pp. 
100, 373. Also Parkman, La Salle (Boston, 1879), p. 156.— Ed. 
2 The Potawatomi. — Ed. 



French Regime in Wisconsin 

other by the poux, Quiquapoiix, and mascoutins. But hardly- 
Had the last mentioned tribes attacked the renards, trusting that 
the ilinois would keep them in check on the other side, when, 
on the contrary, the ilinois took to flight. In this first attack 
Seven poux were wounded, one of whom has since died; two 
quiquapoux of the river St. Joseph who Had Settled among The 
Sasquis [Sauk], were also killed. This will have a very good 
Effect because the Sasquis Are said to be excited against the 
renards which was far from being the case before. Several 
renards were wounded also, and some are even believed to have 
been killed. The renards cried out to the quiquapoux And to 
the Mascoutins that they would make their Supper off them, 
but miandiche, the great chief of The poux replied to them that 
it was they who would Serve as food for all the tribes. The 
renards cried ou^some Time afterward that they were not far 
from the ouiatanons, but that they Would be dead before reach- 
ing there, because they had just observed the approach of men 
on horseback. It is believed that these are Monsieur de Vin- 
cenne with His people. The French of cahosquia also told the 
Hinois not to go To war because they Knew not how to fight 
And because they Were women; but that they were Going to 
start with tJieir negroes to Help their people who were attacked 
And to defeat the renards. They Are already a party of con- 
siderable numbers, for the Ilinois who had fled Have come back 
and Have joined the poux, quiquapoux, and Mascoutins. They 
have all dug pits in the ground wherein to shelter Themselves, 
and the renards Are on a wooded Islet; but If they remain on 
it there is every appearance that they may be defeated for the 
Savage who has arrived fromi river St Joseph says that Mann 
sieur de villiers is to start with all his people, who this time 
appear to be fairly Willing. He adds also that Monsieur de 
Villiers has done me the honor of writing to me to ask for the 
Aid of Our Savages ; but those letters have not yet arrived, and 
until they come our Savages will not start for they are a little 
Suspicious of the news. Father Eichardy told me however 
that he had received yesterday Evening a letter from father 

[ 101 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

Messager/ the Missionary at the river St Joseph, giving him 
the same nev^^s that The Savage has brought me with the excep- 
tion of a few details. This leads ns to believe that the thing 
Is true. The poux here seem very determined to go, and so 
are a party of oiitawas; but only a few of the hurons, because 
eighty remained of the party who marched in the Spring. 
!N"evertheless five of them arrived eight days ago who brought 
a scalp from the Chicachias;'^ but it is hoped that the others 
may rejoin the army because they are supposed to be now near 
the ouiatanons Acccording to the route by which they said they 
would Come. It Would be a good And sure Reinforcement. 
The renards have also Said that they expected shortly a strong 
party of Iroquois, who were coming to join them to facilitate 
the passage and to enable them to Withdraw into the Iroquois 
country. They have perhaps said this to Frighten the other 
tribes, but it is very Certain, Monsieur, that the iroquois Are 
great scoundrels, and that they daily Scatter collars among all 
the tribes who Are Stirred up by the English and who Are very- 
much opposed to us. If our people start I find myself obliged 
to give them powder and ball as they have already given me to 
Understand; but I shall do so with all the discretion in my 
power. If the news turns out true, and should any fight of 
any consequence occur, I shall take the liberty of sending a 
special messenger to give you news of it, for I think that this 
is the last courier who will leave from here this year. 

lArmand de la Richardie, Jesuit missionary to the Huron at 
Detroit, was born in 18S6, came to Canada in 1725, and in 1728 was 
assigned to the Huron mission, where he remained until about 1753. 
He died at Quebec in 1758. For sketch of Father Mesaiger (Messager), 
see Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, p. 446. — Ed. 

2 The Chickasaw, a Southern tribe, whose villages were in what 
is now Tennessee and northern Mississippi and Alabama; they were 
hostile to tlie French and to the French Indians. — Ed. 



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— • /)« ■/-/«<>/ n,^J 

1730] French Regime in Wisconsin 


[Letter of Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated Oct. 15, 1730, 
accompanying a map designed to endorse the project of La Verendrye.i 
MS. in archives of Ministere des Colonies, Paris; press-mark, "Can- 
ada, Corresp. gen., vol. 52, c. 11, fol. 218."] 

MoNSEiGNEUE — I have the honor to Send you a Copy of a 
Map of the course of the river of the west, made by the savage 
Ochagac and others. 

If the account of these savages is accurate that river must 
discharge above California. The Sieur Chaussegros has traced, 
from the Sieur de I'lsle's^ map on a flying sheet, the course of 
that river reduced according to the map. He finds that the 
River discharges tov^ard the Entrance discovered by Martin 
Daguilar.^ He has also reduced the Savages' map on which 
there are three Scales while his is drawn to one only and shows 

1 Pierre Gaultier de Varennes, sieur de la Verendrye, was the son of 
a Canadian colonist and Marie Boucher, sister of PerriSre and Mont- 
brun. He was born in 1685, and crossing to Europe served in thenar 
of the Spanish Succession, and was severely wounded at Malplaquet. 
In 1726 he was again in New France, serving at a small post north 
of Lake Superior. There he met Indians, whose description of a great 
river to the west fired his zeal for exploration. He sent two memor- 
ials to the governor on this subject, the second of which is printed 
in Suite, Histoire des Canadiens Frangais (Montreal, 1882), vi, pp. 
145-150. In this he speaks of a map made by the savage Ochagac, to 
which Beauharnois alludes in this document, and which we here pre- 
sent in reduced facsimile. For the later history of V6rendrye's explor- 
ations, see Parkman, Half Century of Conflict (Boston, 1892), eh. 16; 
Winsor, Mississippi Basin (Boston, 1895), ch. 10. — Ed. 

^Gaspard Chaussegros de Lery was a noted engineer, who built the 
walls of Quebec. The Delisles, Claude and Guillaume, father and son, 
were the most noted French cartographers of their day. In 1703 they 
issued their first map of New France, of which there were numerous 
re-issues, corrected to date. — Ed, 

3 Martin Aguilar was a Spanish discoverer, who explored the Cali- 
fornia coast early in the 17th century. An inlet toward the north 
(possibly the mouth of the Columbia) was called by his name in the 
maps of the period. — Ed. 

[ 103 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

the whole course of the river from the height of land beyond 
Lake Superior to above California. The savages have traced 
on the map the upper portion of the Mississippi river which 
takes Its rise to the South of Lake Ouinipigou/ and according 
to tbe Sieur de Plsle's map the river Itio Colorado would take 
it8 rise about the same Spot. 

I observed with the Sieur Chaussegros that this country is 
traversed by two great rivers which take their rise about the 
middle: one flows toward the Eiasfc which is the St. Lawrence, 
the other to the south which is the mississipy. There would 
remain to the west an Extent of territory from Seven to eight 
hundred leagues in width, without any large river in it. This 
would be contrary to all the knowledge we have of countries 
that are known in the world ; where in so vast an Area there is 
always some great river that traverses it; which leads me to 
think that the savages may tell the truth, for it is not natural 
that in so vast an Extent there should not be a great river ; and 
it seems that the river of which the Savages speak discharges 
into the southern sea. We know the rivers indicated on the 
Sieur de I'lsle's map and according to the course that the Sav- 
ages give to the river of tlie west, it flows tO' the Entrance re- 
cently discovered by Martin Daguilar, where we know of no 
other river above or to the north. 

I have the honor to be with very profound respect, Monseig- 

neur. Your very humble and very obedient Servant, 

Quebec, October 15th, 1730. 

iLake Winnipeg. — Ed. 


1730] French Regime in Wisconsin 


[The first is a letter dated Oct, 18, 1730, translated from a transcript 
from the Paris archives, in Macalester College library, St. Paul, Minn., 
and published in Macalester College Contributions. 1st Series, No. 4, 
pp. 112, 113. The second is a letter from Beauharnois and Hocquart 
to the French Minister, dated Oct. 22, 1730. MS. in archives of Min- 
Istere des Colonies, Paris; press-mark, "Canada, Corresp. g§n., vol. 52, 
c. 11, fol. 103."] 

We cannot as yet write anything positive as to tlie situation, 
extent, and richness of the copper mine in the neighborhood of 
the bay of Chagouamigon. The officer whom Monsieur de 
Beauharnois sent to find out about it, has not been able to en- 
lighten us on the subject, as has been desired. He contented 
himself with bringing us a piece of copper weighing eighteen 
pounds, which has the odor, color, and weight of ordinary red 
copper. This ingot was given him by a savage from that locality, 
without his being able to learn from him the situation of this 
mine, in order to go there. The savages are superstitious about 
these sorts of discoveries. They feel they would rather die than 
reveal them. If we can get any more precise knowledge con- 
cerning this mine, we will have the honor of rendering you an 
account of it, and the measures necessary for transportation. 
We will neglect no means of ascertaining. 

MoNSEiGNETJR — We have received the letter that you did 
us the honor of Writing to us on the 28th of March last 
Monsieur de Beauharnois sent orders in the spring to the 
officer commanding at la pointe de Chagouamigon to obtain all 
the necessary Information respecting the situation, the extent, 
and also the quality of the Copper mine in the Neighborhood of 
that post. He has not yet received news from him. We Hope 
to be in a Position to give you information on this matter next 
Year. Monsieur de Beauharnois has recommended the officers 
and Voyageurs to notify him of all the discoveries that they may 
make and which may affect the welfare of the Colony. 

Monsieur hocquart informs us, Monseigneur, by a private 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

Letter of the Position of affairs of brother Chrestien with his 


We remain with very profound respect, Monseignenr, Your 

very humble and very obedient servants 


Quebec, October 22nd, 1730. 


[Letter of Hocquart to the French Minister, dated Oct. 23, 1870. MS. 
in archives of Minist§re des Colonies, Paris; press-mark, "Canada, 
Corresp. g6n., vol. 53, c. 11, fol. 174."] 

MoNSEiGNETJR — I havo received the Letter that yon did me 
the honor of Writing to me on the 25th of April last. We have 
had the honor of rendering yon an account jointly, Monsieur 
the Marquis de Beauhamois and myself, of what occurred 
respecting Monsieur de Lignery's affair, and we Sent you the 
proceedings and the judgment rendered by the Court Martial 
assembled for that Object. It did not appear to the officers 
composing the Court that there was any proof that the Sieur 
de Lignery had misbehaved either as regards the expedition 
under his charge and the purchases of Provisions that he caused 
to be effected at Michilimakinac, or the munitions that he left 
at that post. He was acquitted and relieved of every charge. 
For my part, I did everything in my power to throw 
Light upon the Sieur de Lignery's conduct. I caused the Sieur 
Dulaurent and Martel, the Storekeeper or Commissary of Sup- 
plies who Followed the detachment, to be heard. I Wrote early 
in the spring to the Sieur Dubuisson to sell the remainder of 
the munitions left at Michilimakinac. That officer answered 
me on the 10th of July that he had offered them for sale, but 
that there were so few articles and these were in so wretched a 
Condition that the voyageurs would barely condescend to look 
at them ; that the articles will always remain in the Condition 


French Regime in Wisconsin 

m which they were left with him with the exception of 2 or 3 

pounds of vermilion, a little black tobacco, and three pounds of 

thread of which he has made use to give some presents to the 

savages. Such is the account given me by the Sieur Dubuisson. 

had the honor, Monseigneur, to inform you last year that of 

lese goods, some to the amount of 1384 livres, 6 sols, 3 deniers, 

rere taken and Used in paying the garrison during the year 

LT28, the Special account of which has Been established and 

icluded in the Statement of the sales made to the troops. 

I have the honor to be with very profound respect, Monseig- 

leur, Your very humble and very obedient servant. 

Quebec, October 23rd, 1730. 


[Extract of a letter from Hocquart to the French Minister, dated, 
Oct. 23, 1730. Source, same as preceding document, but vol. 53, c. 11, 
fol. 167.] 

Monseigneur — 

* * * ** * * * 

Messieurs de Longueuil and de ^oyon are going to France on 

the ship la Marguerite belonging to the Sieur fleury. The latter 

seemed to me thoroughly well-informed regarding The upper 

country and detroit in particular. He communicated to me the 

j project he sent you last year. He is particularly anxious about 

It The construction of a bark on Lake Erie for the conveyance of 

' 'furs ; and his suggestion that the Commandant of detroit should 

not carry on any trade, seems to be in the interest of the service. 

But it would not be advisable at present to abandon any of the 

posts where the French are established. That officer passes for 

an intelligent man, thoroughly disinterested and zealous for 

The service. He spent only 24 hours in Quebec and I had not 

[ 107 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

time to obtain from Him all the information which he will 
communicate to You, Monseigneur, in detail. 

I remain with very profound respect, Monseigneur, Your 
very humble and very obedient servant 

Quebec, October 23rd, 1730. 


[Letter from Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated Oct. 28, 
1730. Source, same as preceding document, but vol. 52, c. 11, fol. 222.] 

MoNSEiGT^EUR — Monsieur Dubuisson, who has returned 
from Michilimakinac, has given me no other news than that 
which I had the honor of writing to you by the King's ship with 
this difference, Monseigneur, that the opinion of all the nations 
is that it is impossible for the Renards not to die of hunger for 
they have Been harassed on all sides, they are burdened with a 
very large number of women and Children, and have not had 
time to Sow anything. 

That officer, Monseigneur, has been deeply affected at not 
finding Himself among the number of those who have been 
fortunate enough to obtain The Cross of St Louis. He has 
received three wounds on his Body : two from gun-shots, and the 
third from an arrow. He is one of the greatest Warriors here. 
He left the Post of Michilimakinac solely because there is no 
other food there but Fish which entirely disagrees with persons 
who are Subject to nephritis. He has had a very severe attack 
of it. He has a son who is tall and well formed and very well 
suited for War. 

The movement, Monseigneur, that has taken place at all the 
Posts against the Renards has had an excellent effect by putting 
a stop to the too bold Discourses of the savages against the 


1730] French Regime in Wisconsin 

I remain with, very profound Respect, Monseigneur, Your 
very humble and very obedient Servant, 


Quebec, October 28th, 1730. 


[A letter of Nov. 2, 1730, from Beauharnois and Hocquart to the 
French Minister, giving news of De Villiers's victory, is to be found 
in Wis. Hist. Colls., v, pp. 107,. 108. 

The two following circumstantial accounts are translated from 
transcripts of MSS. in the archives of Minist^re des Colonies, Paris, 
Collection Moreau-Saint M6ry, vol. 9, f. 11, 1727-1731. There are in 
that volume five documents describing this defeat; but on examination 
these prove to be but two different accounts. The first, which is evi- 
dently from an Illinois source, is found in folios 140 and 322. The 
former is wrongly dated 1728, having been inserted by an ignorant 
archivist, who noted that date near the beginning of the document. 
That found in folio 322, bears date, Sept. 9, 1730; but as that was the 
day after the Foxes' sortie, as appears by the document, it seems prob- 
able that tlie latter portion was written some days later. The second 
document is a letter from De Villiers to Beauharnois, dated Sept. 
23d, 1730; it is from folio 314. That in folio 324 is identical, and that 
of folio 312 an extract.] 

The Renards, in Conjunction with the Maskoutins and 
quikapous, had waged open war upon us and our Savage allies 
for many years ; they Surprised our detachments, carried off 
our Voyageurs, frustrated all our plans and Harassed us Even 
in our settlements, which we could Cultivate only with weapons 
at hand. Attempts had been made on several occasions to 
destroy them; But lack of Concert, the Spirit of self-interest, 
and the bad Management of those who at various times were 
Entrusted with That undertaking, always caused it to miscarry. 
Finally an event occurred that Brought about their disunion 
and the destruction of the renards. 

In the month of October of The year 1Y28, A band of Quika- 
pous and Maskoutins captured on the Missisipy seventeen 
Frenchmen who were going down from the Sioux to the Illinois. 

[ 109 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

They deliberated at first as to Whether they should Bum them 
or hand them over to the Eenards who demanded them. But 
father Guignas, a Jesuit Missionary, who was among the pris- 
oners, won their Confidence, and finally Succeeded in detaching 
them from the Eenards, and in inducing them to sue for peace 
with us. He himself, after Five months Captivity, Came with 
them to the fort Chartres where peace was concluded According 
to their Wishes. 

The Eenards, weakened and disconcerted by This division, 
thought of taking Eefuge, by way of the Ouyatannons, with the 
Iroquois, the friends of the English. The quinkapous and 
Maskoutins found out their designs and notified all The French 
posts of Louisiana and Canada. Their Good faith was doubted 
for somie time and Monsieur De St Ange, the Commandant of 
fort Chartres,^ could not induce the French settlers to take the 

Meanwhile, the Illinois of the Village of Cakokias Came, in 
the month of July IT 30, to tell us that The Eenards had taken 
some of their people prisoners and had Burned the son of their 
great Chief near le Eocher on the Eiver of the Illinois. In 
consequence of This news, added to the warnings received from 
elsewhere, an expedition set out; the Savages were assembled; 
Monsieur de St Ange placed himself at the head of the French 
and on the 10th of August the Latter Joined the three or four 
Hundred Savages who had preceded them by a few Days, bring- 
ing up our army to a strength of 500 men. 

The quikapous, Maskoutins and Illinois of le Eocher had 
Made Themselves masters of the passes on the ISTorth east side 
and this probably compelled the Eenards to build a fort at le 
Eocher, A league below them, to Protect Themselves against 
their Attacks. We had news of the enemy on the 12th, through 
One of our scouts who told us where their fort was situated; 
that he had Counted a Hundred and Eleven Cabins, and that 
we were at a Distance of only two or three Days' journey from 
them. We therefore continued our march through a Wooded 

iFor biographical sketch, see Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, p. 443. — Ed. 



French Regime in Wisconsin 

country, and on the I7tli at Daybreak we came in Sight of Tlie 
enemy. We met a band of 40 men who were out Hunting and 
whom we Compelled to Regain their fort. 

This was A small Grove of trees surrounded by a palisade 
Situated on a gentle slope Rising on the West and ]N'orth west 
Side on the bank of a small River, in such manner that on the 
East and South east Sides they were exposed to our fire. Their 
Cabins Were very small and Excavated in the earth Like the 
Burrows of the Foxes from which they take their name. 

At the sound of the first gun-Shots the Quikapous, Maskou- 
tins, and Illinois who had frequently come in contact with their 
bands, and who had been waiting for Aid for A month, Joined 
us to the number of 200. Our men were posted, By order of 
Monsieur de St Ange, so as tO' Blockade the renards, who made 
two unsuccessful sorties that Day. Trenches were dug the Fol- 
lowing night and Every man worked to fortify Himself in the 
post assigned to him. 

On the 19th, the enemy demanded a parley ; they offered to 
Riestore the captives they had formerly taken from the Illinois, 
and in fact they Gave up some. But it was found that they 
were Seeking only to Deceive us, and we Recommenced our fire 
Against them on the Morrow. 

During the following Days we were Joined by 60 or 60 
Frenchmen and 500 Poiiatamis and Sakis savages brought by 
Monsieur De Villiers, the Commandant at the River St Joseph, 
Oiiyatannons and Peanguichias.^ A fresh Parley took place. 
The Renards begged for their Lives with presents in their hands. 
Monsier De Villers seemed inclined to consent but His Party 
was not The most numerous, and he could not Conclude anything 
without the Cbnsent of the French and of the Illinois Savages 
who Would not agree to any compromise. 

Meanwhile it was Found that the Sakis were betraying us. 
Being the kindred and allies of the Renards, they dealt, in an 
underhand manner with them, supplied them with munitions 

iThis is either an hiatus in or a corruption o^ the manuscript. See 
De Villiers's account, for the conduct of these two tribes. — Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

and took steps to favor their escape. Our Savages, who dis- 
covered this on the 1st of September, rose in a body and were 
about to fall On the Sakis, when Monsieur de St. Ange at the 
head of 100 French Advanced to close all avenues leading to 
the fort on the Side of the Sakis, and Eestored order. 

We feigned not to notice This Treachery Until the arrival of 
Monsieur de Noielle,^ the Commandant of the Miamis, who 
came to our Camp the same Day with 10 Frenchmen and 200 
Savages. He was the bearer of an order from Monsieur The 
Governor of Canada forbidding the making of any treaty with 
the Eenards. A General Council w^as held at which the Sakis 
were put to shame and it was unanimously decided that The 
enemy should be destroyed. 

But we, as well as the Eenards, had Long been Suffering 
from hunger; our Savages, being Eeduced to Eating their 
dressed hides, became Discouraged; 200 Illinois deserted on 
the 7th of September. This bad example had j^o Conse- 
quences; the Eenards were pressed more and more closely; 
the troops under Monsieur de St. Ange Built, at a distance of 
two pistol-shots, A small fort destined to Cut off their Com- 
munication with the Eiver and everything seemed to presage 
A complete Victory in our favor. 

1 Nicolas Joseph des Noyelles, Sieur de Fleurimont, was one of the 
best known officers in the Canadian service. Born in France (1694), 
he was ensign in the colonial troops at the early age of sixteen, a 
lieutenant in 1721, and captain in 1732. During the last war with the 
English, Des Noyelles was lieutenant-colonel in command at Trois 
Rivieres. His earliest known service in the West was among the 
Miami; his unsuccessful expedition against the Foxes in 1734 is de- 
tailed in the present volume. This did not prevent his appointment 
to command at Detroit in 1736, where he served about two years. In 
1743, Des Noyelles was appointed to succeed La V6rendrye in pursu- 
ing Northwest explorations, and for four years, with but little success, 
he pushed toward the Rocky Mountains. In 1747, he was made com- 
mandant at Mackinac, where, for two years, his son had been second 
in command. Des Noyelles died before 1767, when his eldest son was 
living in France, and the younger at Quebec. See Wis. Hist. Colls.f 
V, p. 121, for brief biographical note. — Ed. 


French Regime in Wisconsin 

But, on the Stli of September, A Violent storm with dreadful 
thunder and Continual rain Interrupted our work. The Day 
was Followed by a night as Eainy as it was dark and very cold. 
The renards seized The opportunity and issued in Silence from 
eir fort. This was at once perceived through the Crying of 
e children. But what could be done and how was it possible 
Eecognize anybody in Such Obscurity ? There w^as as much 
ear of killing our own people as of Letting the enemy escape. 
Nevertheless all were Under arms and the Savages advanced 
On both flanks of the fugitives to be ready to attack them as 
soon as Day broke. Daylight came at last and All set out in 
Pursuit. Our Savages, who were fresher and more Vigorous, 
Soon Overtook them. • 

The w^omen, children, and Old men walked at the head, and 
the Warriors posted Themselves in the rear tO' Protect them. 
Their ranks were at once Broken and defeated. The number of 
those killed and captured was about 300 Warriors, besides the 
women and children. It is Agreed on all sides that not more 
than 50 or 60 men Escaped Without guns and Without any of 
the Implements for procuring their Subsistence. The Illinois 
of le rocher, the Maskoutins, and quikapous Are now in pursuit 
of this small Remnant of fugitives, and the first news we shall 
get will tell us of the total destruction of That Wretched Na- 

We do not yet Know^ How many Warriors the Nations of 
Canada have killed nor how many prisoners they have taken. 

Letter of De Villiers 

Monsieur — I Had the honor of sending you a report on my 
first journey to le rocher, with the nations to prevent the renards 
from passing over to The Iroquois. 

The first step I hasten to take on my arrival here, is to des- 
patch to you a canoe, in which I send my son,^ in order that he 

iThis was, doubtless, Louis Coulon de Villiers, who afterwards 
attacked Washington at Fort Necessity. For a biographical sketch, 
Bee Wis. Hist. Colls., v, pp. 118, 119.— ^Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

may have the honor of informing you of the blow inflicted by 
me, at the head of the French and savages, upon the renards, 
who were going to join The Iroquois and who were stopped by 
The poutouatamis, mascoutins, quikapoux, And The jllinois 
of le rocher. 

On the 6th of August two mascoutins came to us here, who 
had been Sent expressly by their chiefs, to inform me that the 
renards had struck The poutouatamis, quikapoux, mascoutins, 
and jllinois. And the Latter, in revenge, had pursued them and 
found them marching in a body with Their women and chil- 
dren in the direction of the jroquois; and had come to blows 
with them. Our people then numbered only About Two hun- 
dred men, as one Hundred had been allowed to depart- on the 
previous day. The attack began at Ten o'clock in the morning. 
They defeated The renards and put them to flight, But the latter 
rallied and gained renewed vigor; they fought until nightfall. 
In this affair Our people had Six men killed, and three wounded. 
One of our Bravest war-chiefs, named Okeia, was among the 
dead, and Pindigache, another chief, was Wounded. The 
renards had seven men killed And thirty wounded. During 
The night, The poutouatamis posted themselves on a hill in 
the prairie and dug holes in the earth by way of a fort. On 
their side, The renards with their families took possession of a 
small grove of trees and fortified themselves. On The follow- 
ing day, they parleyed with one another to gain time and to 
obtain assistance. During these parleys, the Pouatouamis sent 
Papissa, with a young man to the oiiyatanons to ask aid of the 
tribes and the French at that post. The mascoutins sent to 
ask me to join the poutouatamis and to likewise come to their 

The jllinois in the same manner, sent messages to the caokias. 
As soon as I heard the news I notified the Sieur Denoyelles, and 
sent two Savages to Detroit, but they did not reach there in 

I started from my post on the 10th of August, with the 
French Who were then in a condition to March, and with all 
the savages here, including Poutouatamis, Myamis, and Saquis 


French Regime in Wisconsin 

and proceeded to tke place where the renards were. On the 
way I took with me The quikapoux and maskoutins, making 
about 300 men in all. Monsieur de St. Ange was already there 
with 100 Frenchmen and 400 savages, including Kaoquias, 
missouris, and Peorias, and The 200 of our savages who had 
already fought with them. The Ouyatanons and peanguichias 
also arrived on the same day as I did, so that in a short time 
we numbered About 1400 men. I was about to forget one 
particular circumstance. Monsieur, While Papissa was among 
the O'liyatanor.s, the renards also sent two men there with a 
Collar and calumets to ask their aid against the Poutouatamis, 
maskoutins, and quikapoux, against whom they had just fought, 
and who were watching them ; at the same time they asked them 
to leave the road open to enable them to go in peace with their 
families to the jroquois. The ouyatanons replied that they 
would assist them ; that they would remain where they were and 
fortify themselves and that they would soon see them. 

The renards' fort was in a small Grove of trees, on the bank 
of a little river running through a vast prairie, more than four 
leagues in circumference, without a tree, except Two groves 
about 60 arpents from one another. Monsieur de St Ange had 
camped with His savages on the left bank of the river and had 
built redoubts to prevent their obtaining Water, but they had 
excavated underground passages leading to the River. I 
camped, with my savages and the Frenchmen who had joined 
me, on the right of their fort, w^here I erected two others, with 
a Cavalier in each to beat them back into their own And prevent 
them from descending into the ditches they had outside. I had 
a trench opened to approach them more closely, without risk 
to anybody and had an attempt made to set fire to their fort 
This trench made them uneasy, and caused them to move about 
more than usual. As soon as they saw that the earth was being 
excavated, a shower of gun-shots fell in good fashion. 

The ouyatanons who apparently were unwilling to completely 

break Their promise to them, asked me to allow them to call a 

man who was their ally; saying that thereby they might get 

some illinois women whom they held in captivity. I allowed 

8 [115] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvh 

them to do so, on condition that I should see no other meat 
Cbme out of that village than my own. This they promised, but, 
on the contrary, that man came out, with four Slaves and a 
Collar, which he presented to me on behalf of the renard. I 
would not listen to him. I said that it was Illinois flesh that I 
asked for, and that I would have no other. He returned and in 
several trips brought me wdiat I wanted. The Saquis took 
advantage of this delay, and approached the fort in spite of 
the French, who were on guard there. They got out a number 
of children and gave food to the renards, so that I was obliged 
to open fire on the fort, to compel them to retire. 

Our tribes were very anxious to spare the renards' lives, and 
proposed an act of treachery to me. Their design w^as that I 
should promise Them their lives, that I should make them come 
out And that they would fall on them. It was in nowise their 
intention to do so ; their only object was to secure captives. I 
opposed this, seeing that it could ouly result in sparing the lives 
of those wretches, who would undoubtedly Continue on their 
way to The jroquois. Eivery day they found fresh subjects on 
which to speak to me. They came back twice with their chil- 
dren and with collars, to move me. But although they had 
been pale, I made them turn as if painted red, by telling them 
that all their words were in vain And that they were not to come 
back again. They addressed themselves to Monsieur de St. 
Ange, who listened to them no more than I did. Nevertheless, 
We fired some shots at them as they re-entered their fort. They 
suffered much from hunger because, for four days previous to 
Their flight, they lived only on apichimonts.^ Monsieur de 
l^oyelles arrived with the nations of His post, which gave us 
a reinforcement of a hundred men ; these would have been very 
Useful to us, had the Savages been willing to mount guard night 
and day, but as soon as the least bad weather set in, they would 
not come out of their cabins and we were not enough French- 
men to man the entire contravallation. 

iNote on original manuscript: "these are Their coverings made 
of Skins." 




1730] French Regime in Wisconsin 

The Eenards held out for twenty-tliree days. On the 8th of 
Septemher, we had the finest weather in the world until an 
hour from sunset, when a Terrible storm of wind and rain arose 
/hich lasted until the ni^ht, which was very dark and Foggy, 
that, in spite of all I could say to our Savages, I was unable 
make tliem guard all The outlets. The Eenards took ad- 
mtage of this to come out of their fort and flee. We per- 
dved this at first from the crying of the children which we 
jard, and we learned it from a Sauteux woman who came into 
le trench to surrender. I at once prepared to pursue them at 
lay-break. We followed them with Our Savages and routed 
lem, and more than 200 warriors were killed. 'No other chief 
Escaped except Licaouais, of whom, however, we have no in- 
formation. The others were made prisoners and placed in The 
hands of the Kaoquias, who will assuredly not spare their lives. 
Those who escaped from us threw away all they had, even to 
their powder-horns in order that they might escape; but few 
remain. The prisoners told us that they had fought against 
The Scioux in the spring and very likely this is true. I Found 
^their village very small, although I do not refer to that in which 
they were shut up. But to two Of their Camps which I saw in 
the prairies where they had lived during The summer. Our 
Quicapoux and mascoutins did" wonders on this expedition, and 
all did equally well, vying with one another. Had it not been 
for The desertion of 300 Kaokias who had only just abandoned 
Monsieur de St. Ange, and for the absence of 100 men from 
my camp who had gone Hunting to supply us with food, not 
a single Eenard would have escaped. I can assure you, Mon- 
sieur, that we made The renards fast, but that we fasted almost 
as much as They. My son, who has just come out of The 
action, will give you whatever details I may have omitted. I 
take the liberty, Monsieur, of begging your protection for Him. 
I have had no more urgent desire, than to Send Him to you 
that he may have The honor of bringing you this Xews. 

All our nations are preparing to go in the spring to pay you 
their homage, and, at the same time, to tell you of their dead, 
Especially Louis Lamech ; they are Oiiyenamegousy, Pindi- 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

gache, ouataouasego and Ouefigue, who kept the Renards in 
sight all summer Without abandoning them, with the quika- 
poux and miascoutins. 

The sieur de Villiers, the younger, adds^ that the nations 
returned home well pleased with the compliments they had 
received from Monsieur His father, each one in particular and 
all in general, so that it was impossible to say who had done 
best on that occasion, all having displayed uncommon ardor 
and courage. 

That in order to thank Monsieur The commandant and the 
officers, all the chiefs of the nations, at the head of their troops, 
had sworn and protested that if ever any Nation were rash 
enough to attack the French, they would shed the last drop of 
their blood to avenge them; that they came to give them a 
tangible proof of their friendship and attachment for Them, 
after destroying their enemies ; That this memory would never 
be Effaced from their hearts And that they would Carefully im- 
press it upon Their descendants. 



[Letter from Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated Nov. 9, 
1730. MS. in archives of MinistSre des Colonies, Paris; press-mark, 
"Canada, Corresp. g6n., vol. 52, c. 11, fol. 226."] 

MoNSEiGNEUE — I received yesterday a Letter dated the 
fourth of October from the Sieur de Joncaire, whom: I sent to 
pass the winter among the souontouans,^ to watch their Actions 
and to tell them my Opinion respecting the rumors in circulation 

iWhat follows is an addendum to the letter of De Villiers, set down 
from the oral account of his son, the messenger. — Ed. 

2 For biographical sketch of Joncaire, see Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, p. 
228. In 1736 he was thus characterized: "Aged 60. A braggart, but 
rendered good service in treating with the Iroquois by whom he is 
adopted." The Souantouans are the Seneca Indians, most westerly of 
the five nations of the Iroquois. — Ed. 



1730] French Regime in Wisconsin 

that they were to give an asylum to the Eenards, and that if 
they did so they would expose themselves to see The storm 
burst on their heads. They have Sent me, in this connection, 

hatchets that were addressed to them by the Eenards to 
request them to go and meet the latter, and to strike every- 


The Sieur De Joncaire writes me that the Eenards had Sent 
esents to the Loups, who are Settled within the Governments 

pi manhate^ and of Carolina to Induce the latter to join them, 
is confirms me in the opinion that they did not wish for 

Peace and that they sought only to divert us until such time as 

they could strike their blow. They are now well punished for 

their treachery. 

1 Eemain with very profound Eespect, Monseigneur, Your 

very humble and very obedient Servant, 

Quebec, November 9th, 1730. 


[Letter of Hocquart to the French Minister, dated, Nov. 14, 1730. 
Source, same as preceding document, but vol. 53, c. 11, fol. 207.] 

MoNSEiGNETJR — Mousicur the Marquis de Beauhamois has 
the honor to inform you of the defeat of the Eenard Savages, 
whereof The Sieur De Yilliers, the Commandant at river St 
Joseph, has given Him The particulars in the letters that he has 
written to Him, extracts from which he sends you, Monseig- 
neur. That officer has sent his son here with the Sieur 
Eeaume, his interpreter, to bring us The news and from The 
notes of the latter whom I have questioned On all the facts, I 

iThe Loup (Wolf) Indians were an Algonquian tribe, branch of the 
Mahican, who lived originally in the valleys of the Connecticut and 
Hudson. By the 18th century they had moved to the West, and were 
wanderers on the frontier of the English settlements in New York 
(Manhate) and southward. — En. 

[ 119 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

have drawn up the annexed relation which contains perhaps 
some details omitted by Monsieur Devilliers. I have even 
retained the expressions of the Sieur Reaume which are accord- 
ing to Canadian usage. 

From the information that the Sieurs Devilliers the younger, 
and Reaume have given us respecting the situation of the Ren- 
ards' fort and the Camp of the French and of our allied Indians, 
Monsieur Chaussegros de Lery has drawn up a plan of the Same 
with a note accompanying It, which is addressed to you, Mon- 
seigneur, by Monsieur De Beauharnois. 

- The Sieur Devilliers was obliged to incur some expense under 
the circumstances in which he was placed. He has Merely 
notified us that it was not considerable. This is a Second ad- 
vantage. Monsieur The Marquis de Beauharnois has deemed 
it advisable to Despatch the Sieur Coulon de Villiers, the 
younger, to carry you the News of the defeat of the Renards. 
He Embarks on the Ship le Beauharnois which sails for la 
Rochelle. He is charged with the duty of handing over to 
Monsieur de Belamy a Renard Slave who has been Sent to 
Monsieur the general by Monsieur des ISToyelles on behalf of 
the Miami Nation where that officer Commands. 

The Sieur Belamy will await your orders on the subject, 

I remain with very profound Respect, Monseigneur, Your 
very humble and very obedient Servant 

Quebec, November 14th, 1730. 



1730] French Regime in Wisconsin 


(This memorial of De Noyan is endorsed "1731," probably tlie date 
01' its reception in France. It was doubtless draughted before the 
news was received of the victory of 1730. MS. in archives of Minis- 
,t6re des Colonies, Paris; press-mark, "Canada, Corresp. g6n., vol. 56, 

11, fol. 340."] 

Plan of ^Var for Canada Against the Renard Savages 

If there were reason to believe that the Eenard l^ation could 
Be Kept in a state of tranquility and obedience, And if we 
_could Rely upon their faithful observance of the articles of 9, 
treaty of peace, I should enter into the Considerations that seem 
to call for gentle means, such as: the excessive expense of Such 
expeditions; the uncertainty of success And the disadvantage 
"that would accrue to the Colony through the Misfortune of a 
war of That nature being unsuccessful; and I would Conse- 
quently Conclude with This general axiom: that peace is the 
wisest policy to be adopted. But the proofs We have of the 
little Confidence that can be placed in the deceitful protestations 
of These men who are independent of all laws ; and the danger 
that lies in confidin'- in the word of These Savages, who are 
restricted by no rule of subordination, who are restrained by 
no government, And who See no shame in unfaithfulness and 
treachery ; do 'Not allow of our taking anything into Considera- 
tion except the general interest of the Colony, in which I Include 
the shame cast upon the French Xation in connection with the 
last war;^ for the Savages frequently impute to a mistake 
Events which chance alone renders Unfortunate. I Include the 
Necessity of putting an end to their insolent speeches on This 
subject, which are Calculated to give Rise to the greatest evils; 
the aid that we are obliged to Give our allies; the obligation 
that we have imposed on ourselves of putting an end to a war 
into which we have urged them, and the Evil that would result 
if our allies should succeed in destroying Those Renards with- 

iDe Noyan accompanied Llgnery in the expedition of 1728. S-^e 
pp. 21-35, ante. — Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections 

[vol. xvii 

out our assistance — an Evil that would doubtless be still greater 
tban it is to day. 

I also include the Good of the Trade which the Savages inter- 
rupt, And finally the precautions that must be taken to Prevent 
their joining the iroquois, who have offered them a refuge ; and 
as they would have common interests, they would not fail to 
make use of one another to glut the hatred they bear us. 

To what would we then be reduced. And what ruinous wars 
would we not be compelled to wage ? 

It is E"eedless to explain How These English would work 
more effectively to deprive us of all our advantages, and How 
the insolence of the Iroquois would thwart the most judicious 
Steps that we might take. To these Considerations, I might 
add the revolt of the indians near Mobile^ that has remained 
unpunished ; the manner in which our allies among the ilinois 
are continually disturbed ; the fact that Those of lake Erie, lake 
huron And Michigan are weary of bearing alone the burden of 
the war; And finally the disgust that our settled savages feel 
at our Conduct ; these are Matters Calculated to make Us rightly 
Fear that we may be completely abandoned by all those IN'ations. 

Imperceptibly Contempt takes the place of the esteem we 
have enjoyed ; and all the Nations which hold men in Regard 
only in so far as they know how to carry on war, will end by 
insulting us, when they are at last Convinced that they can do 
so with impunity. 

Since 1728 our allies have been waiting for orders from the 
Court to march once more Against the Renards. The hurons 
and the Outawas of detroit, whom I Commanded, have caused 
father de la richardie to write to me several times that they 
Were ready to follow me. The Iroquois settled at Montreal 
have come to see me many times about This matter. They do 
not ask to have a large ^Number of French at their head ; they 
will be content with seeing a few. And it would be right to 

iThis probably refers to the uprising of the Natchez, and the mas- 
sacre at Fort Rosalie, in 1729. Incidently, also, it helps to date this 
document, since it must have been written after Nov. 29, 1729, and 
before January, 1731, when Perier, the governor of Louisiana, severely 

punished these Indians. — En. 


1730] French Regime in Wisconsin 

take advantage at this moment of this willingness with, which 
we shall not find them, animated at another time. 

iN'evertheless, however Well established may be the ^N'ecessity 
of destroying the Eenards for the honor of the French And the 
Preservation of the Colony, I feel that my plan wonld not be 
supported by all the authority that it iN'eeds, if I did not indi- 
cate the means of carrying it out at slight expense, And with 
almost certain prospects of success. 

In the first place, we must bear in mind that the savages are 
so firmly Convinced of the greatness And power of the King 
that when the government Induces them to go to war, it will be 
Obliged to supply them with arms, with food. And with trans- 
portation. And Consequently that the expense of This will 
always be very great. 

This leads me to say that in order to succeed with very little 
expense, it will be necessary, after the Court has selected a 
competent ofiicer, that such ofiicer should, under the authority 
of an Order, carry the Same porcelain Collar that was used in 
the last expedition of 1Y28 to our settled savages and, after the 
Ceremonies observed Ou such Occasions, he should speak to 
them In the following terms : 

"My brothers, I have never forgotten the chiefs of Your 
Villages killed by the renards. Your mats are Still Dyed with 
their blood, And their loss is ever felt by me As much as it is 
by you. I know that you have long been seeking an opportunity 
of Avenging their Death. But hitherto we have been Unfor- 
tunate enough not to give you satisfaction. This does not dis- 
courage me. As you have often taken up our quarrel I now 
take up yours. I am about to start And I come to notify you 
of it. I do not ask you if you will follow me. I observe from 
your countenances that you are possessed with the same desire 
with which I Bum. This is to me a Pledge that I shall not 
go alone. I am taking with me only a few soldiers And Cana- 
dians, picked men, who have equipped themselves at their own 
expense, to take part in our Expedition. The governor from 
whom I have asked permission to undertake this journey, has 
generously made me a present of swords, of powder. And of 
Bullets, which I shall willingly share with you. I take with me 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

only Indian Corn And fat for provisions. That is the food of 
warriors, and I do not intend to live differently from You. 
You have canoes Or you can Easily make them. Therefore I 
have no doubt, my brothers, that you are ready to follow me. 
If anything could cause you to hesitate It would be the Fear 
of coming back without wreaking vengeance on the Renards. 
But re^ assured on that point. I promise you that we shall 
not see Olar land again without being loaded with the spoils of 
Our Enemies." 

But this discourse must not be delivered until we are ready 
to March so that the Boute may Be kept secret. 

I am sure That this word carried by an Officer who is beloved 
and esteemed by the savages, will have all the effect that can 
be desired. And thus the heaviest item of expenditure in the 
last Campaign against the renards will be reduced to a trifle. 
Perhaps we may have to incur some expense in connection with 
certain chiefs. But I promise that it cannot be Considerable. 

Thus the expense, as far as the savages are concerned, is 
reduced almost to nothing. Let us now see what it may Amount 
to for the Bemainder of the party. 

As it is advisable to pass by the lakes, both for the purpose 
of Inviting the I^ations who are well disposed to join us, and 
owing to the Advantage of using the armed Canoes both for 
fishing And hunting and in order to Show ourselves In arms 
to the iroquois, it is also Advisable in order to make use of our 
soldiers in preference to the settlers — who are not so well dis- 
ciplined and who would Cost Much more — to take this easier 
Boute on which all the men may be of use. 

One hundred soldiers selected from among all the troops to 
whom, if deemed expedient, 50 settlers may be added, would 
be sufficient for That expedition. 

But let us suppose 150 soldiers . . . 150 

"/ Ero'm the villages of saut St Louis and saut des recollets 300 

^ nepissingues or Algonkins, fifty . . . 50 

hurons from detroit, one Hundred And Fifty . 150 

Outawas and poutwatamis from the same place . 200 



1730] French Regime in Wisconsin 

TLus we have over 800 men of whom I am sure, without Count- 
ing the iroquois of the Villages And some Missisagues^ if 
Needed. Even this number is excessive in my opinion And 
there is a greater Fear of there being too many rather than 
too few owing to the pleasure that those IN'ations would have in 
taking part in the destruction of the Renards. 

I Think that to Command that party five or six officers would 
be Better than a larger number, and it would avoid trouble And 
expense. There should also be a chaplain, a surgeon, and two 
interpreters. The bulk of the cost of the armament would 
consist of this. 

As for the soldiers, it would only be necessary to give each 
man an additional ration of half a livre of flour. And a quarter 
of a livre of pork; ten livres of tobacco; to each two livres of 
powder And lead; four pots of brandy; with lines and hooks. 
Half a livre of flour per diem for 150 men makes 

per month . . .2325 livres 

of flour 
And for five months . . .11625 

A quarter of a livre of pork per diem for 150 men 

pork makes per month . .1162 ^S- 

And for five mouths . . .5812 

This may Amount In all tO' 3 livres more per 

month for each soldier, making for 150 soldiers 
And for five months . . .2250 

But, inasmuch as provisions of That kind are too 

bulky And for the Reasons above Set forth. 

There would be supplied to each soldier In the 

place And stead of his bread and pork, the fol- 
lowing, Namely: 
for each month a Minot'^ of Indian Corn . 2 livres 10 
a Minot of peas idem . . 2 " 10 

1 An Algonquian tribe inhabiting the northern shore of Lake Huron, 
and the peninsula of Upper Canada. — iEd. 

2 For these measures, "livre" and "minot," see Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, 
pp. 195 and 252.— Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

ten pounds of fat at 6 sols . . 3 livres 

which is equal to the Ordinary . . 8 livres 

rations with the supplementary allowance, And 
Consequently the Extra expense will be only two 
thousand two Hundred and twenty Five livres 2225 
for the Five months for 150 soldiers. Add to this 

4 pots^ of brandy making 600 pots at 1 livre 600 

Also ten pounds of tobacco for each at 6 sols per 

pound making for 150 men 1500 pounds at 6 

sols . . . .450 

also 300 pounds of powder at 1 livre 12 deniers 480 

also for lines and hooks . .50 

Making the sum of . . .3805 

Cost of Transport 

25 Canoes will be needed with 6 men per Canoe ; 

The bark Canoes will come to 150 livres each 

making the sum of . . 3750 

which amount will be reduced if the Wooden 

Boats at Montreal belonging to the King are 


Cost of the outfits 

20 ells of linen are needed for each Canoe for 
sails, with a tarpaulin to Cover the provisions 
And 40 ells for sacks, making 60 ells 
And for 25 Canoes fifteen Hundred ells at 1 livre 

10. per ell, 2750 . . . 2750 livres 

The surplus will be given to the Savages 

also 25 kettles or Boilers at 15 livres . 375 livres 

also 25 axes at 4 livres . . 100 

also 150 peddles at 10 sols . .75 

1 Concerning this measure, see Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, p. 424. — Ed. 


1730] French Regime in Wisconsin 

also 50 Barrels at 30 sols 

also 10 Brasses of rope per Canoe 

75 livres 

Expenses of 6 officers; A chaplain, 
A surgeon And 2 interpreters 

Five tents at 30 livres each. . . 150 

Five Casks of wine . . . 400 

three Casks of brandy . . 300 

for provisions, one thousand livres . 1,000 

A Medicine Chest 500 livres . . 500 

the Surgeon's pay . . . 600 

repairing the arms of the savages . . 1,000 
thread and making of sails, tents, tarpaulins, and 

sacks at . . * . 300 

Other war expenses 

for 6000 livres of powder at 1 livre 12 deniers 6,600 livres 

for 6000 livres of Bullets and 4,000 livres of lead 3,000 livres 

400 swords at 2 livres 

400 daggers at 1 livre 

six coats laced with imitation gold with hats And 

Also 500 pairs of savage sKoes 

twenty suitable guns at 30 livres . 

twenty shirts at 3 livres 

10 livres of vermilion, awls, gun-screws, and gun- 
flints 500 livres 

One Hundred and Fifty Collars to be given away 
at 2 livres 






500 livres 


total expenditure 


from which everything deemed superfluous may be struck off. 
It will be easy to repay in two years the advances made of 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

That sum by the Court both by means of the Permits for the 
tipper country that are sold and that sometimes amount to 
25,000 livres per annum, and of the produce of detroit which 
is not Included. The poorest families will be able to do with- 
out it for The time being, and they will derive a greater benefit 
therefrom through That derived by the Colony. 

It but remains for me to speak of the line of Conduct to be 
followed in order to ensure success. 

The matter must be kept secret until the spring when we 
start, so that the renards may not Know of it. 

It will be time to notify our settled Savages when they 
return from hunting, and to start at the end of the Month of 
May; But we shall send a Canoe when the ice breaks up to 
detain the savages of detroit Until the arrival of the army. 

When the junction is effected at the post, We shall leave it 
by land and the army will be posted, in accordance with the 
information we may have of the renards' retreat, Between river 
St Joseph And them so as to cut off all Communication between 
them and the savages of That post, all of whom are their friends 
and allies, And aho with the French traders who sell them 

We shall refuse the seorvices of the said savages of river St 
Joseph if they should wish to join Us, Convinced as we must be 
that their sole design is to save the Renards By betraying our 

When we shall have carefully approached the enemy to within 
a distance of a few day's march, they laden ^vith the old men, 
the women, and the Children, will no longer be In a position to 
fly, before light and fresh troops; besides which they cannot 
fly and live on their hunting at the Same time. 

We shall find the Benards unprovided with arms and Muni- 
tions And food. And no Nation will dare to give them refuge 
when they see at their heels a party determined to destroy them. 

Thus when it shall be decided. As it Should be, to spend the 
winter in their country Where they will not dare to Scatter 
because they will have to keep their wives And Children, they 


1731] French Regime in Wisconsin 

must perish by hunger, or come and cast themselves imder the 
Blows of their Enemies. 

Particular care must he taken In the selection of Officers 
suitable for this expedition who should be Young, Vigorous, 
And Willing; on whom reliance can be placed in unforeseen 
Events ; And who have had Experience in Managing savages. 

We should be able to leave the other Measures that may have 
to be taken To Him who will be honored by the choice of the 
Court, for it is impossible to foresee or to enumerate in a 
Memorial all the Circumstances that may call into play the 
skill, the Vigilance, And the wisdom of an Officer, especially 
with Nations to whose character One is often Obliged to Con- 



[Extract of a letter of Hocquart to the French Minister. Source, 
same as preceding document, but vol. 55, c. 11, fol. 5.] 


I have no doubt, Monseigneur, that you have learned, by 
way of the Mississipi of the defeat of the Renard savages that 
happened on September 9th last, in a Plain situated between 
the River Wabache and the River of the Illinois, About 60 
Leagues to the south of The Extremity or foot of Lake Michi- 
gan, to The East South East of le Rocher in the Illinois Coun- 

^ 150 French both from Louisiana and from Canada, and 

1 J. F. steward, of Chicago, in an address delivered before the Illinois 
Historical Society, Jan. 24, 1902, endeavors to identify this fort of 
the Foxes with a place on Fox River, in Kendall County, 111., and 
has erected there an inscription to that effect. This place, however, 
is north of '^Le Rocher" (a well known appellation of a place on the 
Illinois River, see ante, p. 3), while according to this document, the 
battle ground was "East South East." Mr. Steward's identification pos- 
sibly corresponds to the Fox fort on "Lake Marameek," which was 
attacked in 1732. See post, p. 173. — Ed. 

[ 129 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

many savage Tribes, to the number of 8 or 900 men, stopped 
them, blockaded them in their fort and compelled them to 
issue from it through press of hunger ; And they pursued them, 
killing 200 warriors; 200 women or Children met the same 
fate, and the remainder to the number of 4 or 500, also women 
and Children, were made Slaves and scattered among all the 
Nations. Messieurs de Villiers, the Commandant at the River 
St Joseph; des Noyelles, the commandant among the Miamis; 
and Messieurs de St. Ange, Officers in Louisiana, behaved with 
all the bravery and Prudence that could be expected of Them. 
Monsieur de Yilliers, Lieutenant of the Troops, who was the 
senior officer, had the Command of this Expedition. We Were 
greatly mortified, Monseigneur, at not being the first to convey 
Information of this happy success to you. Monsieur the gen- 
eral had despatched the Sieur Villiers, the younger, who was 
present in The action, to convey The news to you ; But The ac- 
cident that happened to the Ship, le BeatiJiamois, Prevented ffis 
doing so. 

I have the honor to send you by this ship, Duplicates of 
several of my Letters, the first whereof relates to Monsieur de 

Lignery's affair. 


I remain with very profound respect, Monseigneur, Your 
very humble and very obedient Servant, 


Quebec, January 15th, 1731. 


1731] French Regime in Wisconsin 



[Memorandum, dated Feb. 13, 1731, on projects for checking the 
English trade with the Indians, submitted to Beauharnois and Hoc- 
quart, with their replies thereon. Source, same as preceding docu- 
ment, but vol, 56, c. 11, fol. 294.] 

A letter^ was written to Messieurs de Beauharnois and Hoc- 
quart, on May 2, 1730, respecting the importance of break- 
ing off the Trade relations between the savages and the English, 
as it was to be feared that frequent intercourse between them 
might detach the savages from us through their taking their furs 
to the English. [It was suggested] That the post of Detroit 
was Established partly with that purpose. That, nevertheless, 
the Miamis and Ouyatanons, amongst whom we maintain gar- 
risons,^ take the greater portion of their furs to the English. 
This is due to the difficulty experienced by the French Voya- 
geurs in going to those illations on account of the various 

iThis letter, of which a summary follows, would seem to have been 
due to the instigation of De Noyan, and his' plan for the Detroit post. 
See ante. p. 107. — Eu. 

2 The French post among the Miamis was erected about 1712, when 
these Indians migrated eastward and settled on the river that bears 
their name (Maumee). The fort was on the right bank, at the site 
of the present city of Fort Wayne, Ind. In the Indian revolt of 1748, 
the post was partially burned. After its surrender to the English 
(1760-61), Fort Miami was garrisoned by a small detachment, whose 
commander, Ensign Holmes, was massacred at the beginning of 
Pontiac's Conspiracy (1763), by being decoyed without the walls. 
The fort was not rebuilt until the Americans placed a garrison here, 
after the battle of Fallen Timbers (1794), named in honor of the 
victor. Fort Wayne. 

The Ouiatanon post was on the site of an earlier trading-house at 
the mouth of Wea River. It was established as a military garrison 
between 171^ and 1718, being located on the north bank of the Wabash, 
about four miles below the present city of Lafayette, Ind. No English 
garrison was maintained here, after its capture by Pontiac's warriors 
(1763). Relics of the old French fort have been found at this place. 
See Craig, "Ouiatanon," Indiana Historical Society Publications, ii. 
No. 8.— Ed. 

9 [131] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvn 

portages/ That therefore it might be advisable not to continue 
those two posts, That of Detroit being sufficient, since the sav- 
ages, to whom the trouble of transportation costs nothing, could 
go thither. 

That, in order to derive from the post of detroit all the ad- 
vantages that were expected therefrom, it might be expedient 
to take away the trade of that post from the Commandant, so as 
to make his authority respected. To order him very expressly 
to prevent all Frenchmen from ranging the forests under the 
pretext of trading or Hunting as this makes the savages despise 
them and leads to quarrels between them and the voyageurs. 

That, to compensate the Commandant for the loss he may suf- 
fer through Trade being made free, it would be necessary that 
every Canoe be required to bring him without charge a certain 
weight of goods for his subsistence ; that he be also granted some- 
thing by License, a portion whereof might be set apart for the 
expenses of the almoner, and of the Interpreter, and for pres- 
ents to be given the savages. This could not fail to be productive 
of good results, since, instead of giving Permits for the posts 
amongst the Miamis And Ouyatanons, they would be given 
solely for detroit, and a certain reduction should also be made in 
order that the Voyageurs may be able to give these goods to the 
savages at better prices. 

That it appears that the same might be done for the post of 
Missilimakinac. That they were to communicate their ob- 
servations thereon. 

They reply. That, in order to break off that Trade completely, 
it would be necessary that the posts of Magara and fort de 
frontenac be always well supplied with trading Goods, which 


iThe route from Detroit followed the shore of Lake Erie to the 
mouth of the Maumee. On that river was a long portage at the rapids, 
near the entrance of the Au Glaize River. The length of the portage 
from the headwaters of the Maumee to those of the Wabash depended 
upon the season; in dry times it was nine miles long, in wet seasons 
being sometimes reduced to two miles. See "Journals of George 
Croghan" in Thwaites, Early Western Travels reprints (Cleveland, 
1904), vol. i.— Ed. 


1731] French Regime in Wisconsin 

would be very easy when the King's Ship arrives early as it 
did this year.^ 

That, as regards the post of detroit and in order also to prevent 
the English from Trading with the savages, it would be impor- 
tant to carry out the views that prevailed when the fort was first 
Established, beginning by putting a strong garrison there to 
enable the Commandant to maintain order and make himself 
respected by the French and by the savages. 

That the proper way to prevent intercourse between the sav- 
ages and the English would be to compel the Miamis and Ouya- 
tanons to go to detroit for what they need by not allowing the 
Voyageurs to take the same to them. But, they think, it is to be 
feared that the English may go to the savages, who would receive 
them, in the belief that the French had abandoned them ; and it 
is beyond a doubt that if we abandon a single one of our posts, 
the English will at once establish themselves there. Thus, they 
think it more expedient to strengthen those we have than to 
weaken them by compelling one iN'ation to go to another for what 
it needs, all the more so that it seems to them dangerous to gather 
the various savage nations together in one spot lest they might 

The Ouyatanons were brought into the Government of Louisi- 
ana by the Sieur de Vincennes who has completely removed 
himself from the jurisdiction of the Government of Canada. In 
order to force that l^ation to return to the Miamis to obtain 
what it needs, Monsieur de Beauharnois had at first proposed to 
allow no Yoyageur to go in that Direction. This would have 
been carried out had he not been compelled to grant such permis- 
sion to certain Frenchmen to induce them to convey Missionaries 
to the Tamarois who took a quantity of Goods which they will 
trade at the old post in the usual way.^ 

The Sieur de Boishebert, who went up to Detroit last Sum- 
mer to take command, carries on no Trade whatever there and 

1 iMarginal notes on MS. : "What is asked for is being sent regularly.' 
"Monsieur Hocquart can well supply these two posts." 
2 Marginal note on MS.: "Approved." 
3 Marginal note on MS.: "Approved." 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvu 

would not enter into partnership witli anybody by means of the 
permits he sells for that post/ He has assumed all the expense, 
both of the almoner, of the interpreter, of the presents to be 
given the savages, and of the garrison. This has pleased all the 
iVoyageurs, of whom a greater number than usual have gone up 
this year; thus goods will be cheaper. This is one of the best 
means of attracting the savages there, and making the place 

Monsieur de Beauharnois will make no change without receiv- 
ing fresh orders, all the more so that, inasmuch as the Sieur de 
Boishebert carries on no Trade, this seems in accordance with 
Monseigneur's intentions. 

Another way to make detroit flourish would be to maintain a 
garrison of 50 or 60 men there." The Commandant would then 
be in a position to make himself respected by the French and by 
the savages. This would make it an important establishment at 
the head of the country which would keep the nations in awe 
and frustrate the plans of the English. The same might be 
done for Missilimakinac which, nevertheless, would not possess 
the same advantages as Detroit, and which would be on a firm 
footing only when the latter is thus established. 

1 Marginal note on MS.: "Good that he has been placed there." Louis 
Henri (or Charles) Dechamps, Sieur de Boish6bert, was born in 1679. 
In 1721, he married Louise Genevieve de Ramezay, daughter of the 
Canadian governor. His term of service at Detroit, beginning in 1730, 
redounded to his credit, and he was later placed in charge of Indian 
affairs for the entire colony. In 1754, he was in command in Acadia, 
and served there throughout the French and Indian War (1754-63). 
A contemporary account thus characterizes him (1761): "Very rich. 
Reported to have abused his commandership in Acadia." — Ed. 

2 Marginal note on MS.: "Cannot be done." 

[ 134 ] 

1731] French Regime in Wisconsin 


[Document in Margry, Decouv. et Etabl., vi, pp. 563-567.] 

Quebec, June 6th, 1731. 

Charles, Marquis de Beauharnms, Knight of the military 
order of Saint Louis, governor and lieutenant general of the 
King in the ivhole of New France. 

In virtue of the orders addressed to us by the King's Memorial 
of May 14th, 1726, respecting the establishment of a com- 
mandant and of two missionaries in the Sioux country, to com- 
ply with His Majesty's intentions, We, in the presence of Mon- 
sieur La Chassaigne,^ governor of this town of Montreal, of 
Monsieur Michel de La Rouvilliere, commissary general of the 
Marine in the said town, and of Monsieur de La Come, King's 
lieutenant in the said government, have settled and determined 
the articles of engagement, and the demands of the undersigned 
interested in the Sioux company as follows : 

First Article. — That the entire trade of the Sioux country 
shall be granted and permitted to the persons hereinafter named 
towit: one canoe to the sieur de Portneuf,^ the officer second in 
command at the said post; another to one Campeau, working 
for the Reverend Jesuit Father, the missionary at the said post ; 
anotlier to the sieurs Mouet,^ Linctot the younger, and Cou- 
longe ; another to Giguieres and Toussaint ; another to Eiichard 

1 Jean Bouillet, Sieur de la Chassaigne, was born in 1659, and entered 
the service in Canada. In 1690, he was in command at Lachine; in 
1698, was the governor of Montreal. He married a sister of Longueuil, 
Iberville, and Bienville, and died at Montreal in January, 1733. — Ed. 

2 This was probably Pierre, son of Ren§ Robineau, Sieur de Portneuf. 
The latter was a French officer of distinction in King William's War 
(1689-97), being second in command in the attack on Salmon Falls, 
N. H. (169(7). Since he died in 1726, this must be his son, Pierre, born 
in 1708. In 1740, Pierre was engaged in the Chicasaw expedition, and 
in 1760, was sent on a mission to the Shawnee. — >Ed. 

3 The Sieurs Mouet were Didace Mouet, Sieur de Moras, born in 
1701, died in 1763; and Augustin, Sieur de Langlade, famous as Ihe 
first settler of Wisconsin. For biographical notice of the latter, see 
Wis. Hist. Colls., viii, p. 124.- -Ed. 

[ 135 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

and Dubau ; another to Pierre and Charles Le Due ; another to 
Gujon Desprez and Saint Michel du Chesne; and the last to 
Antoine Lanoiiette and Joseph Joliette ;^ for three full and con- 
secutive yearsi, to the exclusion of all others so that nobody 
shall be permitted to go there or to send one or more canoes 
without the consent of the said Company; and if anybody of 
whatsoever quality and condition he may be should go there to 
trade, that the officer commanding shall be at liberty and he is 
even ordered to have the goods confiscated, one half thereof shall 
belong to the King, and the other half to the said Company. 

That the said interested parties shall not trade nor hunt in 
the direction of Point Chagouamigon nor anywhere else except 
in the hunting grounds whither the Sioux go, and that on the 
side of la Baye they shall likewise go only into the Sioux hunt- 
ing grounds without their being permitted to trade on the Ouis- 
consin or at the portage by which they must pass to reach the 
Sioux, which shall serve as the boundary for both parties. 

Second Article, — That they shall not build forts nor houses 
equivalent to the same in the hunting grounds, but only in. the 
place where the commanding officer shall establish his post. 

Third Article. — That the said interested parties shall have 
permission to send up to the Sioux country during the next two 
years such number of canoes as they may deem advisable. 
Should the prospects of the profit to be gained in the trade be^ 
come greater, in order to induce them to increase the quantity 
of goods and the number of canoes to be sent thither, the share at 
present owned by each of the associates shall be increased in the 
sajne proportion as tlie whole trade generally; and the prefer- 
ence as regards such post shall be granted them at the expiration 
of the said three years at such price as we may deem proper to 

Fourth Article. — ^Should they be stopped on the way in tEe 

lOf these Canadian traders but little is known; Guyon dit Desprez 
belonged to the family of Dubuisson; Antonie Rivard diif Lanouette was 
born in 1693, and died in 1762; Joseph Jolliet, born in 1710, was a 
grandson of the famous explorer, being the son of his son, Jean Bap- 
tiste.— Ed. 

[ 136 ] 


1731] French Regime in Wisconsin 

country of the Eenards or beyond, or should they, when they 
reach the Sionx country, he compelled by superior force to return 
this year, they shall be permitted to trade their goods wherever 
they think proper, under the orders of the commanding officer, 
who shall have power to decide the destination of each one in 
such a manner as he may deem most expedient for the welfare 
of the King's service and that of the Colony. 

Fifth Article. — That all of tlie said interested parties who 
may be compelled thereto . through illness or domestic reasons, 
shall be at liberty to abandon the trade and to return to it before 
the expiration of the three years, in such manner nevertheless 
that no one shall leave the Sioux country without the express per- 
mission in writing of the commanding officer. 

Sixth Ar^ticle. — That no associate shall transfer his sk3»to 
either wholly or partially except to persons of good character, 
free from scandal of every kind and who will not interpose any 
obstacle to the establishment of Religion amongst that great num- 
ber of barbarous peoples, so that God's blessing may rest on their 
persons and trade. The associates must obtain the written per^ 
mission of the commandant to transfer their shares. 

Seventh Article. — That all the associates and all persons in 
their employ are forbidden to absent themselves from the fort to 
be built there, for the purpose of returning to Montreal or of 
going anywhere else, or even for the purpose of hunting, when it 
is necessary to sleep away from the post, without the express 
permission of Monsieur the commandant. 

Eighth Article. — That the said associates bind themselves to 
leave as a guard for the fort two men per canoe, not including 
the servants of messieurs the officers and missionaries, and that 
they may employ the others in conveying their furs to Montreal 
and in bringing back goods therefrom, and that at all times 
twelve men shall remain in the fort and shall not go out of it 
under any pretext whatsoever. 

Ninth Article. — That when they shall leave the said post they 
shall be at liberty to sell the houses they may have built fof 
themselves and on their private account, as well as the grain that 
may be growing on the lands they may have cultivated. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

And in return for tlie above concessions tlie said interested 
parties undertake : 

First Article. — To build a fort of stakes, properly strength- 
ened, one hundred and twenty feet square with four bastions, and 
they shall supply 1032 stakes and more if needed ; a chapel, a 
house for the commanding officer, and one for the missionaries, — 
the whole in such place and in such manner as may be decided 
upon by the commanding officer, whom they promise to obey 
and listen to in everything he may command them for the King's 
service, the discipline of the post, and the welfare of the colony. 

Second Article. — They imdertake to have conveyed free of 
cost from this town whatever may be given them as provisions 
for the commanding officer and the presents for the Savages 
which His Majesty shall send to the said place, and in addition 
the said sieurs Mouet^ Linctot the younger, -and 'Coulongle^ 
Giguieres, and Toussaint, Richard, and Dubeau, Pierre and 
Charles Le Due, Guyon Desprez, and Saint Michel du Chesne, 
with Antoine Lanouette and Joseph Joliette promise and bind 
themselves to pay the sum of 2,400 [livres] in each of the said 
three years when the canoes reach the sieur Linctot,^ the com- 
mandant of the post in the Sioux country, on condition that the 
said sieur Linctot shall not carry on any trade at the said posi^ 
either directly or indirectly. Done with the agreement and 
consent of Monsieur the Governor general and in the presence of 
the said messieurs de La Ohassaigne, Michel de La Rouvilliere 
and de La Come. 

Third and last Article. — And, in addition, the said interested 
parties bind themselves to leave in the said post when they shall 
start from it in the spring at least four good canoes, to avoid 
accidents that might arise in case of necessity, and for such pur- 
pose they shall be bound to buy a sufficient number of the same 
in passing by Missilimakinak. 

The said associates have agreed to everything above set forth 
and have consented that if any of them should infringe any of 

iFor biographical notice of Ren6 Godefroy, Sieur de Linctot, who 
was born in 1675 and married to Madeleine Lemoyne, see Wis. Hist, 
Colls., xvi, p. 380. — Ed. 


1731] French Regime in Wisconsin 

the above articles he shall be severely punished and shall forfeit 
all his rights. 

And after reading the articles of demands and undertakings 

bove set forth, the said interested parties have consented to 

out everything therein contained, and have accepted all 

■the charges, clauses, and conditions above stipulated; and for 

e fulfilment thereof they have signed with us, with the excep- 

on of Giguieres and Toussaint, Pierre and Charles Duchesne 

,nd Dubau — who declared that they were unable to write and 

ign their names — and the sieur Linctot, the commandant, has 

"with our consent signed on behalf of the sieur Coulonge who is 


Done at Montreal the 6th of June, 1731. 


[Letter of Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated Oct. 1, 1731. 
MS. in archives of Ministere des Colonies, Paris; press-mark, "Can- 
ada, Corresp. gen., vol. 54, c. 11, fol. 360."] 

MoNSEiGNEUR — I havc the honor to Send you herewith the 
words brought me by the two new chiefs of the Eenards, who 
came down this Summer to Montreal, on behalf of the remnant 
of that nation. I have kept one and sent back the other to 
bring me next year four of the principal men and to tell the 
others what is set forth in the answer I gave to those two chiefs. 
This is annexed to the words of those savages, who are at Last 
reduced to begging for the lives of those who remain ; this I have 
granted them on the condition that they Carry out what is set 
forth in that answer. 

The joy the defeat of that nation has caused to all the others 
has been so great that this Summer savages from all parts came 
to Montreal to express the satisfaction they felt, and to assure 
me of their fidelity to the French. In fact they gave proof of 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

it by their conduct Toward the Eenards against whom they Had 
all declared themselves ; and the majority of them took part in 
the Blow struck them; by the Sieur de Villiers. l"ranquillity, 
for so many years disturbed in the upper country, will now 
reign, and Enable us to continue our Establishments there. I 
thought first of all of that amongst the Sioux, that had to be 
abandoned owing to the proximity of that nation (the Renards) 
through whose territory it was necessary to pass to reach the 
former ; and I sent back a party there this year under the same 
conditions of the arrangement I had made when the post was 
first Established amongst those savages (as you will see, Mon- 
seigneur, by the Copy we have the honor to append to the answer 
to the King's memorandum^ . 

It seemed to me no less important to think of the post of la 
Baye which we had been compelled to abandon for the same 
reasons as in the case of that amongst the Sioux. To that End I 
sent Monsieur de Villiers, on his return from his Expedition, 
to restore that Post as it had been prior to its Evacuation, in the 
event of his finding the Sakis likewise disposed to rebuild their 
Village. I deemed it advisable to provide at first for the re- 
establishment of those two posts, all the more so that, inasmuch 
as the Obstacles caused by the Eenards to that amongst the Sioux 
no longer existed, we should be in a Position to derive therefrom 
all the advantages we expected. On the other hand, this was 
needed for the success of the Undertaking of the Sieur de La 
Veranderie, in so far that it is absolutely necessary that that 
nation be in our interest, to allow of our trading with the Assini- 
boils and Cristinaux, through whose country one must pass to 
proceed to the discovery of the western sea. The latter 
[Cristinaux] have had an affray with the Sauteux of the point of 
Chagoiiamigon, and killed some of their men. But I consider 
the affair settled and will see that those savages live in peace 
in future. Quarrels between those nations would greatly preju- 
dice all our Enterprises, for the success whereof it is necessary 
to have tranquillity, which, I am pleased to see, reigns through- 
out the upper country, and which I will maintain as far aa 
lies in my power. 

r 140 1 


1731] French Regime in Wisconsin 

I have the honor to he with very profound respect, Monseig* 

neur, Your very hnmble and very obedient servant 

Quebec, October 1st, 1731. 

P. S. Although I have had the honor to Send you the de- 
tails of the defeat of the Renards, I append a Copy to this 


[Extract of a letter from Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated, 
Oct. 1, 1730. MS. in archives of Minist^re des Colonies, Paris; press- 
mark, "Canada, Corresp. g6n., vol. 57, c. 11, fol. 227."] 

Monsieur de Beauharnois Sends the Plans of Detroit drawn 
up by the Sieur de Boishebert, the Commandant of that Post 
They are annexed hereto. 

That officer reached his post about the end of the month of 
October, 1Y30. He found the Establishment but little ad- 
vanced considering that it was commenced over 30 years ago. 
He made a Map of it from Lake Erie to Sainte Claire. He 
also made a plan of the settlements and by means of that Map 
and of that Plan we are in a position to know that quarter and 
what can be Done there.^ The Climate is fine^ the Lands are 
very good and can produce everything that grows in France 
in the province of Guienne. After his arrival he had nothing 
more at heart than to induce the French to till the Soil. They 
have sowed much more seed than usual and the harvest will be at 
least double what it has been in former years. 

Those who had charge of this Establishment at the beginning 
reserved, in the locality where they placed it, only a small 
piece of Land for the French and even that is the worst part, 
and they ceded the best land to the Savages; so that if this 

1 Marginal note on MS. : "Good we are convinced that this officer will 
do his best to place this Establishment on the footing on which It 
should and must be." 

[ 141 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

Colony increases, it will be necessary for the settlers to divide 
up in various places. 

As soon as the Savages have gone to the Woods for their 
winter hunting he will Make a voyage in Lake Sainte Clair 
and in Lake Huron and will draw up a Map of the same which 
he will send next year/ 


[The following extracts from the yearly oflacial report of Beau- 
harnois and Hocquart to the French Minister, dated, Oct. 12, 1731» 
are those portions that relate to the upper country. Source, same as 
preceding document, hut fol. 136-176.] 


** -X- ^ * * * * 

The Sieur de Beauhamois has observed with pleasure the 
satisfaction that his Majesty has had at the defeat of the E^n- 
ards. He has had the honor of sending him the particulars of 
this affair" via isle Royale and new england. As the Sieur 
Lefevre's ship by which he had at first sent them, was com- 
pelled to put back, although he is convinced that his Majesty 
is at present informed of the matter, he appends a Cbpy^ to 
which I take the Liberty of adding the news written to Him 
by The Sieur De Boishebert,* the Commandant at Detroit 
respecting the blow inflicted by the Illinois on the remainder 
of the Renard nation, since the attack made by the Sieur 

The Sieur De Beauhamois has the honor to write you in a 
private letter what has occurred since that affair, and the steps 
that he has taken to restore tranquillity in the Upper Couutiy* 
He has seen what is written to Him with respect to the action 

1 Marginal note on MS.: "Approved." 

2 Marginal note on MS.: "Extract with the memorial annexed to the 
private letter." 
3 Marginal note on MS.: "Annexed to a private letter." 
4 See preceding document. — Ed. 

[ 142 ] 


1731] French Regime in Wisconsin 

taken by the Sieur du Buisson against That nation, of which 
his Majesty seems to disapprove by recommending him to 
expressly forbid the Commandants of Posts to take such steps 
in any Case. His majesty's intention will be observed in 
future, but he ventures to take The liberty of remarking to him, 
that after the failure of the expedition against the Kenards in 
1728, there seeanied to Him no better way of destroying them 
than to give orders as he did to the officers at the posts to 
watch their actions, and to take advantage of the dispositions 
in which they might find the nations with regard to attacking 
the E/cnards; while he nevertheless explained to those officers 
that they were not to attempt anything unless there was some 
prospect of success, and that they were not to cause his Majesty 
to incur any great expense. It was in obedience to these orders 
that the Sieur de Villiers acted, and that we have succeeded in 
almost totally destroying that nation. Moreover, This affair 
that his Majesty entrusted to the Sieur De Beauhamois had to 
be carried out as he has done in order to comply with his 
Majesty's Designs of utterly destroying those savages, and to 
neglect nothing to attain that end. There seems to be no more 
suitable or less costly methods than those adopted by the Sieur 
de Beauhamois and he ventures to hope that his Majesty would 
always approve Him' in such cases.^ 

The Sieur De Beauhamois has deemed advisable not to 
await his Majesty's orders to have the Post re-established among 
the Scioux, which we had been obliged to abandon owing to its 
proximity to the Eenards, through whose country we had to 
pass. The necessity of preserving the friendship of a nation 
which has given us proofs of its attachment by its conduct 
Toward the Eenards, has led Him to forestall his Majesty's 
intentions in the Matter And to benefit by the advantages offered 
Him by the defeat of the Eenards. 

The Sieur De Beauhamois has the honor to submit to you, 
Monseigneur, the reasons that determined his action by a private 
letter to which he appends a note respecting the joumey of the 

1 Marginal note on MS.: "Extract with private letter.' 

I 143 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

Sieur La Veranderie who also asked for tlie re-establisliment of 
that Post, in order to place us in a position to Establish a. 
Trade with the assiniboels and the Christinanx^ through whose 
country we must pass to discover the Western sea. Moreover, 
Afl this Post occasions no fresh expense to his Majesty, The 
Sieur De Beauharnois came more readily to the determination 
of re-establishing it and the reasons that led Him to hasten this 
re-establishment are in accordance with what You do him The 
honor of writing tO' him on the subject. 

We append to this a copy of the agreement made by the 
Sieur De Beauharnois with the Voyageurs who have undertaken 
to convey the Commandant and The missionary there, and 
whichi is similar to that entered into when the post was first 

[In a document (Archives of Ministere des Colonies, Paris; press- 
mark, "Canada, Corresp. g6n., vol. 57, c. 11, fol, 231") which is a copy 
of this year's report for the use of the government, with answers 
annexed, this additional matter is found: "Of the first October, 1731. 
Monsieur the Marquis de Beauharnois writes that those voyageurs 
represented to him that as the trade of that Post is given to them only 
for 3 years, they cannot indemnify themselves for the expenses they 
are obliged to Incur in connection with that Establishment, if they are 
not allowed the privilege for a Jfth year. As he did not wish to change 
anything in the first agreement, he contented himself with telling 
them that he would ask for orders On the subject. He observes that 
those traders Are about the same as those who commenced this Estab- 
lishment and that the compulsory evacuation of that post caused +hem 
great loss, for which they might be indemnified by granting their 
request." On the margin of both portions relating to the Sioux, ia 
written : "Approved."] 

* « * * * * -5^* 

The Sieur de Beauharnois has also the honor to assure his 
Majesty that the latter will Continue to be satisfied with hia 
efforts in keeping savages who are allies of France in his inter- 
ests and in Tnaintaining peace and tranquillity between tho'Se 
Nations. He observes with pleasure that both now reign in 

iFor the origin and location of these tribes, see Wis. Hist. Colls., 
xvi, p. 189. — Ed. 

[ 144 ] 

1731] French Regime in Wisconsin 

ihe upper Countries anci that the care that lie has taken to 
obtain this result since he has been in The Colony has had the 
success that he hoped. Tranquillity at the Posts could be 
secured only by reducing The Eenards to the extremity in 
which they now are. Their defeat not only procures peace for 
all the other N^ations but it will also serve to restrain the latter 
and cause the French name to be respected among them. 

The Sieur De Beauharnois has ascertained this year, from 
the submission and resignation of all the savages to the King's 
will, the impression produced upon their minds by That war. 
The Change that he has found in their thoughts has confirmed 
his opinion as to the necessity that existed of destroying a 
nation as wicked as it was pernicious to the Colony. He will 
always make it his Duty to second his Majesty's intentions and 
to watch over everything that may tend to secure The welfare 
and the tranquillity of the Colony. 

It is not at Niagara alone that the retrenchment of brandy 
has caused The falling off in the Trade ; it has also diminished 
at detroit. Many savages of the upper Country are in the 
hal)it of coming down in The hope of getting brandy there. 
The Voyageurs fearing the penalties set forth in the order of 
Monsieur The Coadjutor, have ceased to sell any, although it 
was distributed with the discretion that we recommended to 
the Sieur De Boishebert who Commands at that post. With 
regard to the more remote posts the Sieur De Beauharnois has 
allowed the Voyageurs to take only the quantity that they need 
for their Journey : four pots per man. 

While the Savages were at Montreal we caused The prohi- 
bitions hitherto enacted to be renewed. But we venture to 
admit to his Majesty that if we had acted too severely in en- 
forcing them, all the savages would have gone away without 
buying anything, and would have taken The greater portion 
of their furs to the English. 


The Sieurs De Beauharnois and hocquart have seen what is 
written to them with respect to the retrocession to his Majesty 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

by tlie Companj of the Indies of the Province of Louisiana and 
of the Illinois Country/ We consider, Monseignenr, that it is 
right that the Illinois savages should he subject to this Govern- 
ment, because the Governor-general is in a better position than 
the Governor of Louisiana to give his orders there, and to be 
informed of what is going on in connection with the nations. 
Moreover those savages who came down to Montreal this Sum- 
mer have asked it of the Sieur De Beauhamois as you will be 
pleased to see by the copy of the words "^ that we have the honor 
to append hereto and to which we take the liberty of adding 
that, by means of our establishments among the Miamis and 
Wiatanons, it is easier for The Illinois to procure what they 
need from those Posts than from Mississipi owing to the dif- 
ficulty that the voyageurs of that place encounter and The time 
that they take in going five or six hundred Leagues up a rapid 
Hiver to reach those savages, who ask The Governor-general to 
be Their father as he is to the other nations, because they hope 
in future to obtain from this quarter the aid that they cannot 
easily receive from the Mississipi. The Pianguichias have 
brought words to detroit to be sent to the Sieur De Beauhamois 
which you will receive by a private despatch. 

The Islinois went back very well satisfied with the promise 
given them by the Sieur De Beauhamois to look upon them as 
upon his other children; and we hope that his Majesty will 
change nothing in this respect. The Sieurs de Beauhamois and 
hocquart will, moreover, act in concert, as much as the dis- 

1 Marginal note on MS. : "Extract with private letter of Monsieur 
de Beauhamois." For the memoir of the king announcing this trans- 
fer, requesting information about the location of the Illinois country, 
whether it should be annexed to Canada or Louisiana; and requesting 
co-operation with the governor and intendant of the latter colony, see 
Hi. Y. Colon. Docs., ix, p. 1025.— Ed. 

2 Marginal note on MS.: "Monsieur de Beauhamois appends it to 
one of his despatches." On the copy of this document, prepared for 
the use of the government (Canada, Corresp. g6n., vol. 58, c. 11, fol. 
229), is written: "There is reason to believe that when the Savages 
took this step they were not aware that the King had taken back Louisi- 

[ 146 ] 

L731] French Regime in Wisconsin 

tance will permit, with tlie Sieurs Perrier^ and Salmon in 
everything ttat may procure the mutual advantage of botli 
Colonies. The former have already begun to place themselves 
in communication with the latter, and the Sieur De Beauhamois 
has accordingly written to the Sieur De Vincennes, who com- 
miands among the Wiatanons, and has recommended him to 
devote all his attention to frustrating the attempts that the 
English might make to prevent communication between that 
Province and Canada, and to prepare those Savages to second 
Monsieur Perrier in case he should take any action against the 
Chicachas, whom he points out to the Sieur De Beauhamois as 
being the instigators of the attack by the 'Nach.ez upon the 
French of the Mississipi. The Wiatanons are in a better 
position to harass The Chicachas and to give the Sieur Poirier 
The aid that he asks in this quarter in case his Majesty should 
order Him to punish that nation.^ 

We are with very profound respect, Monseigneur, Your very 
humble and very obedient Servants, 



Quebec, October 12th, 1731. 

iPerier was governor of Louisiana from 1726-33. He was an officer 
of the marine, and knight of the order of St. Louis. When he waa 
relieved of the governorship by Bienville, he returned to France, being 
promoted to a lieutenant-generalship. Later, he served in a campaign 
in St. Domingo. — 'Ed. 

2 On the question of the Illinois country, and whether it should 
be joined to Canada or Louisiana, on a copy prepared for the use of 
the government (Canada, Corresp. gen., vol. 58, c. 11, fol. 228), is 
endorsed: "Await the reply of Messrs. Perrier and Salmon." This 
proved convincing enough to retain the Illinois under the Louisiana 
government. — Ed, 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. 


[Letter of Beauharnois to the French Minister. MS. in the archives 
of Minist^re des Colonies, Paris; press-mark, "Canada, Corresp. g6n., 
vol. 54, c. II, fol. 419."] 

MoNSEiGNEUR — I have the honor to Send you hereunto an- 
nexed an Extract from a letter addressed to me by the Sienr de 
Boishebert to whom It was written, respecting the Attack 
recently made by the Ilinois Upon the remnant of the Henards. 
Although I have granted them their lives on the conditions that 
I had the honor of mentioning to you, The savages appear to 
me to be inclined to wipe out the race, and I shall Maintain 
them in that disposition If the Renards fail to do what they 
promised me. 

I have the honor to be with very profound respect, Monseig- 

neur, your very humble and very obedient Servant 

Quebec, October 10th, 1731. 


[Extract from an account sent by Boish6bert to Beauharnois, dated 
Feb. 28, 1732. MS. in archives of Ministere des Colonies, Paris; 
press-mark, "Canada, corresp. g6n., vol. 57, c. 11, fol. 298."] 

Forty Seven Iroquois from the Lake of two Mountains^ who 
were Invited by laforest, the first Chief of the hurons, came 
here last autumn for the purpose of going to war with the 
hurons against the Renards. When they reached this Post 
nearly all the young men of the Outaouacs and Poutouatamis 
had started for their winter hunt. Some Chiefs gave Collars 
to the hurons to detain them until the Spring, promising them 
that all their young men would Follow them. The hurons re- 

1 These were the mission Iroquois, settled in Canada, at the Lake 
of Two Mountains (a widening of the Ottawa River near its mouth). 
This mission was founded in 1717, and had drawn together a village 
of converted Iroquois. — Ed. 


1732] French Regime in Wisconsin 

plied that it was impossible for the Iroquois to wait so long 
and to return to their Village Without first going to seek their 
common Enemy. As the Iroquois were unprovided with Muni- 
tions of war, they asked me for some ; these I deemed advisable 
to supply, as well as the instructions which they begged me to 
give them Respecting the Eoute they should Follow, so as not 
to be mistaken with regard to the N'ation they were to attack. 
They started on the 17th of October to the number of 124, 
IN'amely : Y4 hurons, 46 Iroquois, and 4 Outaouacs. This small 
army reached the River St. Joseph after a few days' march and 
found that the Poutouatamis had left for their winter Hunt. 
They passed on and went to Chicagou, and as they had some 
sick men with them, they built a fort there, and left some of 
their people in it to guard them. Some Poutouatami Chiefs 
came to them during their Stay there to beg them to wait until 
the Spring when they would march with them ; but they would 
not listen to their proposal and Continued their Route as far 
as the Kicapoiis, who were frightened at first on their arrival, 
and made the same proposal to them that the Poutouatamis had 
made. They would not agree to it and pushed on to the Mas- 
eoutins who were pretty badly frightened. The hurons reas- 
sured them and tried to Induce them to join their party; But 
they replied that it Would be too risky and that even if they 
joined together they Would not be able to destroy the Renards 
who were very numerous. The hurons and Iroquois, who found 
themselves at a distance of more than 250 Leagues from home 
and almost In the Enemy's country, asked the Maskoutins for 
10 men to guide them to the Boundaries that enclosed the Chil- 
dren of Onontio.^ This was granted to them and they pro- 
ceeded toward the Ouisconsin. The guides told our savages 
that they were On the Enemy's Soil ; that they had 
only to march straight before them Without Devi- 
ating, that they would meet nothing but Renards; and then 
these guides returned to their Village. The hurons and Iro- 
quois marched some days more, when, as many among them and 

iThat is, the tribes friendly to the French. — Ed. 

[ 149 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

especially the Old men suffered from hunger and fatigue 
caused by the deep Snow which compelled them to Use Snow- 
shoes, they held a council and several of the Old men thought 
that they should turn back. The young men were not of the 
same Opinion, and stated that they had not come So far for 
the purpose of returning Without striking a blow and one of 
them added that he would perish rather than go back to BCis 
Village Without having killed some men. Two of the most 
notable among the huron Chiefs said that they were in good 
health and that, although they were Old men, they Felt strong 
enough not to give up the undertaking. The little army Broke 
up ; the Old men, both hurons and Iroquois, went back toward 
Chicagou ; while the others, I^amely 40 hurons and 30 Iroquois, 
Followed the Eoute that led to the Ouisconsin. After several 
days' march. About 11 o'clock in the morning, they perceived 
in a prairie three men who were coming to meet them. These 
were three Eenards who took to flight as soon as they saw 
them. Our people pursued them thinking that they Came from 

4 or 5 Cabins of which they had been told; but they were 
greatly surprised when they reached the top of a Hill to see 46 
Cabins in a -f alley on the bank of the Ouisconsin (This was the 
principal village of the Eenards). fThe Chiefs Encouraged the 
young men, telling them that they had nothing to fear; that 
they had to deal with dogs who did not acknowledge the master 
ofjifej The Eenards who had been warned by the three men 
and had had time to seize their Weapons, came out to the num- 
ber of 90 to attack our people who Eeceived their volley and 
replied to it by two volleys in succession. The Chiefs told the 
Young men not to amuse themselves by shooting; they made 
them lay down their guns, and with a tomahawk in one hand 
and a Dagger in the other they forced the Eenards back into 
their Village; they Pursued them so closely and so great was 
the Carnage that YO of the Eenards were killed On the spot, 
and 14 were made prisoners ; 80 women and Children were also 
killed, and 140 of them were captured. Besides 10 Eenards who 
Escaped quite naked and who died of cold. The hurons had 

5 men killed and several wounded. Finally, after this Attack 


|a732] French Regime in Wisconsin 

they "unbound a Renard Chief who was wounded in the thigh and 
after dressing his wound, they Sent him with ,6 women to tell 
the remainder of His l^ation that the hurons and Iroquois had 
just eaten up their chief Village where they would remain for 
two days; that if the Renards wished to Follow them they 
were free to do so but that as soon as they would see them they 
would begin by breaking the heads of all their women and 
Children ; that they would make a Rampart of their dead bodies 
and aftenvard would endeavor to pile the remainder of the 
Kation on top of them. The Renard Chief proceeded to a 
small fort of nine Cabins On the bank of the Mississipy. As 
soon as he arrived there those who were in the fort Sent word 
to three Cabins that had detached Themselves from it some 
time before to warn them of the blow that had been struck. 
The Sieur Dorval and two other Frenchmen who had left 
Montreal with Monsieur De Linctot for the post among the 
Scioux, were at those three Cabins at the time. Monsieur de 
Linctot who had been unable to reach His destination the 
previous autumn, had built a fort On the Mississipy at a Place 
called the Mountain whose foot is bathed by the Water (la 
Montague qui trempe dans V Eau),^ About 30 Leagues above 
the Mouth of the Ouisconsin, where finding Himself short of 
Provisions he had been compelled to disperse a portion of His 
people to live among the savages. A Renard chief of these 
three Cabins told the said Sieur Dorval that it was their Father 
Onontio who caused them to be killed, because the hurons and 
Iroquois never rose from their Mats except upon His command. 
He replied that the hurons belonged to Detroit and that N'o 
doubt they had started from there Without their Father being 
informed of their expedition. ^'Well," said the Renard, "since 
thou assurest me that the French have nothing to do with it, 
make them give me back three of my Children whom they are 
taking away." The Renards disarmed the Frenchman and 
Led him to their fort, and thence to the Place where their 
people had been killed. The Chief proposed to him to Follow 

1 Mount Trempealeau, near the village of Trempealeau, ^Vis. — Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

our warriors to redeem His three Children, and lie gave him 
a Robe and 17 Beaver skins for their Ransom. The French- 
man accepted the errand and was led by that chief to the place 
where our Warriors had kindled their last fire and whither he 
was told to return when he had ransomed the Children. The 
Sieur Dorval started and overtook the hurons with whom he 
came to Detroit, well pleased with the Errand with which he 
had been entrusted. It is estimated that the Renards have 
lost 300 persons, both killed and prisoners. The Warriors 
brought 100 and some Slaves to Detroit and they have assured 
me that the number of the killed and of the prisoners was 300, 
besides 13 women and 2 men whom they state to have been 
killed while endeavoring to Escape on the Road. From the 
report of these Slaves there would remain of this nation, at 
the most, 30 True Renards, some women and Children, who 
Would be very happy, they say, to take refuge among other 
!N"ations. They added that they were going down to place them- 
selves at their Father's mercy. 

[Letter of Beauharnois to the French Minister, enclosing the pre- 
ceding document. Source, the same, but fol. 296.] 

MoNSEiGNEUR — Monsicur de Boishebert has just Sent me 
news which I have the honor to communicate to you and which 
is all the more welcome that it tells us of the almost entire rout 
of the Renards who had Escaped from the attack Made on them 
by Monsieur de Villiers. Although I had the honor of inform- 
ing you last year that I had granted the remnant of that nation 
their lives on the conditions that I mentioned to you, I also 
had the honor of observing to you that the huron Savages of 
Detroit had asked me for permission to raise A party for the 
purpose of Attacking them, and of exterminating their race; 
and they stated that they would carry out that undertaking on 
their own account. My answer Was, Monseigneur, as you may 
have seen, that I could not give them such permission because 
I had granted the Renards their lives ; but that I would, never- 
theless, remain neutral in the disputes that might arise between 



17321 French Regime in Wisconsin 

them — for I fully believed that if I did not Expressly forbid 
them, they would Carry out their design. This they did on 
their arrival at their village, as you will See, Monseigneur, by 
the Extract from the report on the matter sent me by Monsieur 
de Boishebert which I have the honor to append. 

I have the honor to be with very profound respect, Monseig- 
neur, Your very humble and very obedient Servant 


Montreal, May 23rd, 1732. 

[The following document, «ontaining additional details, is endorsed: 
"Appendix to the Relation of the defeat of the Renards, Respecting 
what gave the advantage to the Hurons and Iroquois." Source, same 
as preceding document, but fol. 320.] 

The Snow being very deep at the Spot where the hurons and 
Iroquois attacked the Eenards and put them to flight, it was 
Easier to destroy them, because the latter are not in the habit 
of wearing snow-shoes and are not as skillful in their Use as the 
hurons and Iroquois. This gave our warriors a great advantage 
Over them, and greatly contributed to the success of the Expe- 

It has already been stated in the relation that there were 45 
Cabins of Renards T'ogether, which our savages attacked, but 
it would be Surprising that there should have been so many 
after the blow inflicted by Monsieur de Villiers, and the others 
that had previously been struck at them, were not this Explained 
by the fact that they had found the secret of withdrawing their 
Slaves from all the other l^ations ^Except the Ilinois who have 
given no quarter to any who were among Them. 

We must relate here a circumstance which is as singular to 
some as it is a matter of faith to others and especially to the 
Savages. } Shortly before the action, the hurons made medicine/ 
This was disapproved of by the Iroquois, who added that they 

1 Marginal note on MS.: "The warriors are in the habit of rubbing 
themselves with a kind of grease which they claim, preserves them 
from the Effects of Bullets and of Arrows." 

[ 153 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

should place all their reliance in the master of Life. The 
hurons retorted that the others had too much. But at the first 
volley the chief medicine-man was killed with 4 or 5 of his 
nation who had like him made use of the medicine. The 
Iroquois did not lose a man in the whole battle. They were 
all very assiduous in saying their prayers night and morning 
throughout the journey. \^ 

The Iroquois came to see their Father Onontio on their 
return from the Expedition, on June 5th. They told him 
that out of the 148 prisoners mentioned in the relation, The 
hurons had killed 56 on the way back, owing to the difficulty 
they experienced in leading so great a number, and through 
fear that they might Escape; And that there might remain 
About thirty True Kenards whom they would have destroyed 
had they been in the Village that they attacked; but they were 
in the nine cabins that we have mentioned. It is presumed 
that the Puants or other nations which are Their Enemies, 
have destroyed them; they have been informed of the Blow 
inflicted by our settled savages. 


[Extract of the yearly instructions of the King and Minister to the 

Governor and Intendant of New France. MS. in archives of Ministers 

des Colonies, Paris; press-mark, "Collection Moreau-St. M6ry, vol. 10, 

f. 12, fol. 33."], April 22nd, 1732. 

His Majesty, having obtained information respecting the 
matters whereof the Sieurs de Beauhamois and Hocquart Wrote 
last year in regard to the affairs of the Colony, has decided to 
explain to them His intentions Concerning certain portions of 
that administration. 

Defeat of the l^othing can add to the Satisfaction felt by 

Renards. His Majesty on receiving the confirmation of 

the news of the almost Total defeat of the 

Renards in the battle fought against that nation by the detach- 


French Regime in Wisconsin 

ment Under the Command of tlie Sienr de Villiers and of the 

Sienr de St. Ange. This defeat, added to the losses previously 

Inflicted on those Savages by the allied Savages, and to those 

since Inflicted on them by the illinois, must have reduced them 

to such a Condition as to remove all fears of their rising again. 

Approves what has His Majesty approves of the Sieur de 

been done with Beauhamois's having kept near him one 

regard to them. of the two chiefs who came down to 

Montreal to ask pardon for the remnant 

of the nation, and of his having sent back the other to get four 

of the principal warriors of the IsTation and bring them down 

to Montreal next Summer. He likewise approves of his having 

told them that Otherwise they could not Hope for mercy. The 

Sieur de Beauharnois will be Careful to report everything that 

occurs in connection with this. His Majesty is convinced that 

he has taken the proper measures to reduce that l^ation to such 

a condition that it no longer will be able to trouble the Colony. 

!N'evertheless, as the allied Savages seem 

Have the remainder disposed to destroy the remainder, he 

of the Renards de- must Encourage them in this disposi- 

stroyed by the allies, tion, in order that he may be able to 

make use of them when occasion offers. 

It must not be imagined that that !N"ation will restrain itseK 

when it Shall be in a Condition to rise; and the best way to 

prevent its causing the same trouble to the Colony in the Future 

that it has done in the past, is to disperse those who remain 

among the other Nations. His Majesty has no doubt that he 

has acted in that Spirit. 

Scioux — Approves His Majesty approves of the Sieur de 
the re-establishment Beauhamois's having, with the view of 
of the post, profiting by the advantages of that de- 

feat, Taken steps to re-establish the post 
of the Scioux which had to be abandoned on account of the war 
with the Eenards. He also approves the Contract made with 
the Yoyageurs who Have undertaken to convey the Comman- 
dant and Missionary there, and would consider it advisable 
that, in addition to the three years enjoyment of that post al- 

[ 155 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

lowed those Voyagenrs by the Contract, they Be allowed a fourth 
year to compensate them for the loss they suffered by being 
compelled to Evacuate the post when first Established. 
Reasons for Moreover, the Sieur de Beauharnois is aware 

maintaining of the importance of that post, Both with the 
the said post, view of fostering the friendly feeling so often 
manifested by the Scioux, And of establishing 
trade with the assiniboels and the Christinaux/ His Majesty 
is therefore convinced that he will devote all the Attention in 
his power to the furtherance of that Establishment. His 

Majesty also approves of his having Sent the Sieur 
La Baye de Villiers to re-establish the post of la Baye which 

had to be abandoned owing to the proximity of the 
Kenards ; He is convinced that that officer will have found the 
Sakis disposed to rebuild their former village there also. The 
Sieur de Beauharnois will report Later. 

** * * * * 4f * 

Ohaouanons. His Majesty has learned with pleasure that 
the Chaoiianons came down to Montreal last 
Summer to ask the Sieur Marquis de Beauharnois to indicate 
the place where he wished to place them. He also approves of 
his having, with the view of bringing them nearer to the Colony 
and of detaching them from the English, Sent the Sieur Jon- 
caire with them to place them on the ISTorth bank of the Biver 
Oyo. He recommends him to foster carefully the favorable 
disposition of that nation so as to derive all the advantages that 
were expected in the event of a rupture with the iroquois. It 
is to be hoped that they will persist in the resolution, to which 
they appeared to have come, not to Endure the English; the 
Sieur de Beauharnois must be Careful to see to this. 

iThe solicitude for the trade of these two tribes was due to the 
pressure of the Hudson's Bay Company. For their location and affini- 
ties, see Wis. Hist. Colls., xvl pp. 189, 190, 408.— Ed. 



1732] French Regime in Wisconsin 

Illinois, His Majesty has taken cognizance of the reasons 

IN'atchez for which the Sieurs de Beanharnois and Hocquart 
Choctas consider it advisable that the country of the illinois 
Chicachas. Savages Should Be a dependency of the general 
Government of new France. When he shall have 
considered those expressed on the Subject by the Sienrs Perrier 
and Salmon, Governor and commissary-general of Loiiisiana, 
He will decide what is most expedient, and Signify His inten- 
tions. But, in any case, whether that post be retained or de- 
tached from the Government of Louisiana, it Will be Equally 
a dependency of the general Government, and the Sieur 
Marquis de Beauhamois must devote the same attention to it. 
The Sieur Perrier, Governor, must have informed him that 
the E"atchez ITation has not been so thoroughly destroyed as was 
believed, and that there still remained two or three hundred 
warriors who. Supported by the Chicachas, Endeavored to in- 
duce the islinois to rise ; that the latter sent their three ambassa- 
dors to the Sieur Perrier at new Orleans where the Choctas, 
whom he induced to declare against the Chicachas went and 
Burned them ; that the English are making every effort to con- 
ciliate those two ]^ations and that it is most important to prevent 
this for the peace and preservation of that Colony. His 
Majesty recommends the Sieur Marquis de Beauharnois to Con- 
sider what measures he may adopt to further this. If he could 
succeed in getting some l^ations to join the illinois and the 
French in that quarter and induce, them to strike the Chicachas, 
the latter would be destroyed or at least compelled to keep quiet 
and Eeniove to a distance from the Colony. But, ini order that 
this may be more Surely effected, it Should be done in concert 
with the Governor of Louisiana who might cause them to be 
attacked at the same Time. His Majesty leaves everything to 
the discretion of the Sieur Marquis de Beauharnois, convinced 
as He is that he will devote the same attention to Louisiana as 
to Canada. He recommends him not to lose sight of this object, 
being careful nevertheless to see that it does not entail too great 
an expense. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

With regard to the Trade in Brandy with the Savages, His 
Majesty has approved of the act of the Sieurs de Beauharnois 
and Hocqnart, last Summer, in repeating 
Giving Brandy the prohibitions on the Subject and in giv- 
to the Savages. ing orders to the posts that liquor Be 
given to the Savages only with great Cir- 
cumspection, and by making them Understand that, in such 
distribution, the French are actuated more by a desire to please 
than by their own inclinations. By acting in this Spirit, it will 
be possible to avoid the abuses that might occur In such Trade, 
and would lead His Majesty to prohibit it, were He not con- 
vinced that the Sieurs de Beauharnois and Hocquart are devot- 
ing to this matter all the attention he has recommended them to 

Moreover, His Majesty has had the Order Examined that tha 
Sieur Co-adjutor of Quebec^ has issued on the Subject, and, 
from the report made to him thereon, He has 
Mandement found that that Order contains nothing contrary 
concerning to Royal authority nor to public order. He 
brandy. nevertheless wishes him to observe that, in addi- 

tion to the difficulty that will be experienced 
by those who are Far away in having recourse to the Bishop in 
the case he has reserved" for himself, the provisions of such an 
order may cause alarm to those who have charge of the Work^ 
ing of the posts on His Majesty's account, and who by His 
orders distribute Brandy to the Savages with all the discretion 
and circumspection that can be desired; 
Drawbacks in and it Is to be feared that, inasmuch as 

connection with the reserved case prevents their approach- 

the reserved case ing the Sacraments, it would degenerate 

1 Pierre Armand Dosquet, Sulpitian priest, first came to Canada in 
1721, returned to Europe, and was consecrated at Rome, being there- 
upon appointed coadjutor of Monseigneur Mornay, the old bishop of 
Quebec. On the resignation of the latter, Dosquet became bishop in 
1734.— Ed. 

2 Cos reserve = Certain cases where the bishop alone or somebody 
specially deputed by him can grant absolution. — Crawford Lindsay. 



■ I 1732] 

1 1 .. . 

French Regime in Wisconsin 

found by Monsieur into a habit, which would be productive 
Dosquet. Means of a greater evil. His Majesty is con- 
of avoiding it. vinced that he will find a middle course 

by which this drawback may be avoided. 
The Sieurs de Beauharnois and Hocquart will report what may 
happen in this respect. 

On the request made by the Sieur Marquis de Beauharnois 
for some Medals for distribution to the Savage chiefs who may 
deserve the same by their good conduct, His 
Medals for Majesty has given orders to send him twelve of 
Savages. those struck on the occasion of the birth of Mon- 
sieur le dauphin; and he recommends him to dis- 
tribute them only with full cognizance of the facts, to those 
who, when the opportunity offers, may give proofs of their at- 
tachment to the interests of the ligation. This is the best way to 
maintain them in this Disposition and to make them look upon 
this mark of honor as a reward. 

*-x- * * * * * * 

Done at Versailles the 12th of April 1732 



[Report of Hocquart, dated Sept. 1, 1732. MS. in archives of Min- 
Istdre des Colonies, Paris; press-mark, "Canada, Corresp. g6n., vol. 
58, c. 11, fol. 27."] 

Statement of the sale made by Monsieur Demontigny, Com- 
mandant of Michilimakinac,^ of certain munitions and goods 
remaining there, in 1728. 

iJean Fr6d6ric Phelypeaux, Comte de Maurepas, was minister of the 
marine (including the colonies), 1723-49. — Ed. 

2 Jacques Testard, Sieur de Montigny (called La Marque), was one 
of the most noted Canadian ofRcers during the forty years following 
1690. He was born in 1663, and while an ensign took part in the 
attack upon Schenectady (1690), where he was wounded, and there- 
upon was promoted to a lieutenancy. In 1695 he commanded in 

1. 159 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. 

To wit: 

rive guns 

19 livres 

Three mattocks 


One plane 

4. 15 

One coat and two Capotes 


ISJine shirts at 40 sols 


Four ropes % (inch) at 3 livres 

10 sols 

14. 8. 


94. 3 9 
Deduct for costs 4. 14 

Total 89. 9. 9 


Made out at Quebec, September 1st, 1732. 

[Accompanying this document in the archives are the followiiig: 

Letter from Monsieur Hocquart to the minister — Quebec, October 8, 
1732 — respecting the sale of munitions left at Michilimakinac. 

Extract from a letter of Monsieur de Montigny to Monsieur Hocquart, 
—April 2, 1731, on the same subject. 

Roll of those whom I paid for the year 1728 at Michilimakinac. 

Statement of what I did with the King's Goods remaining at Michili- 
makinak from the Campaign against the Renards.i] 

Acadia, and the following year distinguished himself in Iberville's 
expedition to Newfoundland. In this latter place he led the Abenaki 
allies in 17TTo-06, making his name a terror to the English inhabitants. 
Montigny surrendered at Port Royal in 1710, and was sent to France, 
soon after receiving the cross of St. Louis. When Charlevoix journeyed 
to the West, he accompanied this officer as far as Green Bay, where 
he was commandant, 1721-23; promoted to the command at Mackinac, 
he served from 1730-33 at this post, and died in battle in 1737. His 
son, Jean Baptiste, was a noted officer in the French and Indian War 
(1754-63), and their descendants are still prominent in Canada. — Ed. 
iThe two last documents are signed by Lignery. — Ed. 



1732J French Regime in Wisconsin 


[Extract of a letter from Beauharnois and Hocquart to the French 
Minister, dated, Oct. 1, 1732. MS. in archives of Minist6re des Col- 
onies, Paris; press-mark, "Collection, Moreau-St. M6ry, vol. 10, f. 12, 
fol. 5."] 


The Sieur de Beaulianiois has the honor to inform you, Mon- 
seigneur, by a private letter, of the condition to which the 
Renards are reduced, and of the attack made upon that nation 
by the hurons and the iroquois of the Lake of two Mountains, 
since That of the sieur de Villiers. He ventures to hope that 
his Majesty will be satisfied with his action on this occasion, 
and with the line of conduct that he followed in making the 
savages act without leading the other l^ations to think that It 
was through his orders, or, at least, that he had any knowledge 
of the action of the hurons and Iroquois. This policy seemed 
to him to be all the more necessary that after granting the rem- 
nant of the Renards their lives on the Condition that they should 
send him this Summer four of the most notable persons among 
them, he was very well pleased to show that he kept his word 
while waiting for them to keep Theirs. They failed to do so and 
this induced The Sieur De Beauharnois to send back to them 
The hostage in his hands, whom he ordered to tell the remainder 
of his nation that as they had not kept their word, he left them 
to the mercy of the savages who are in the Field, and resolved 
to exterminate their race. 

* -X- * -X- * 7f * * 

The Sieur De Beauharnois wrote this year to the Command- 
antsi of fort de Chartres in the Islinois country, of the Ouia- 
tanons, of the Miamis, to urge their savages to attack the Chica- 
chas whom they were to consider as the common enemy of all 
the nations. He also, through the sieur De Boishebert, gave 
the same notice to The hurons of Detroit who raised a band to 
attack the remnant of the Renards — as he did not wiph a single 
one to be left alive — that they might also turn their arms 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

against the Chicachas. Althougli the Sieur De Beauhamoia 
was not informed of his Majesty's intentions with respect to the 
steps that had to be taken to destroy that nation and to obtain 
tranqnillity for that Quarter, he considered that one of the 
necessary means to be employed was to canse a diversion among 
The nations as he has done. 

It is certain that the small parties that from time to time will 
attack the Chicachas will greatly harass them, and reduce them 
to such a Condition that they will be compelled to remain quiet. 
Moreover, as they will be harassed on the other Side by the peo- 
ple under Monsieur Perrier, to whom the Sieur De Beauharnois 
has communicated the steps that he was taking on this side, 
they mil be more easily subdued ; and there seems to be no better 
expedient for succeeding in this. That of causing The savages 
to march and attack at the same time as Those who would be 
sent by Monsieur Perrier, would be a good one, did not the diffi- 
culty of assembling these nations in one Spot prevent its being 
carried out. Another Reason is that the savages do not behave 
like disciplined Troops, and moreover if it were possible to 
adopt this plan, it would entail great expense upon his Majesty, 
and it would probably have no better effect than if the Savages 
were allowed to act. 

The sieur Perrier wrote this year to the sieur de Beauharnois 
that there remained only about one Hundred men of the [N'atchez 
nation who had sought refuge among the Chicachas. It would 
appear, Monseigneur, that he is mistaken; but though there 
may be a larger number, we may succeed in subduing them if 
the assistance which he informed the sieur de Beauharnois that 
he expected, be sent to Him, and if the orders despatched by the 
sieur De Beauharnois to the Posts be executed. lie will, how- 
ever, devote all his attention to this matter and will carry it out 
in The least expensive and most suitable way for the object we 
have in view — the subjugation of that nation. 

We remain with very profound respect, Monseigneur, Your 

very humble and very obedient Servants, 

Quebec, October 1st, 1732. HoCQUAET 

[ 162 ] 


1732] French Regime in Wisconsin 


[Extract from a statement of Beauharnois and Hocquart to the 
French Minister. Source, same as preceding document, but fol. 76.] 


We have received the statements of the funds appropriated 
this year both for the marine and for the Domain Which will be 
expended in accordance with their destination. 

With reference to the snm of 21,749 livres, 12 sols, 6 deniers, 
it is true that The Statement that was sent you concerning the 
same last year was very summary. Monsieur hocquart was 
imable to make it any more complete as The last Ship was 
about to sail. 

We have the honor to forward you a more detailed statement. 
This expenditure has not been effected out of the Magazines. 
The munitions of which it consists were delivered to the Sav- 
ages by the French Voyageurs by command and on The written 
orders of the Officers commanding the various posts, which 
orders were countersigned by the missionary, When one hap- 
pened to be there. 

It has always been the custom — And it is unavoidable — to 
give provisions and other miunitions to the Savages, "When we 
ask Them to go to war. When they are at Montreal or in the 
other places where the King has Magazines, then this expendi- 
ture is included with that incurred for presents. But every- 
where else, as at detroit, at Missilimakinac, at River St Joseph, 
and at the other places, it is just that the Voyageurs should, on 
their return, be repaid The price of the munitions that they have 
taken to the upper country for their Trade, and that they de- 
liver on The orders of the Commandants for exceptional oc- 
casions, such as those connected with war. Otherwise the Offi- 
<jers commanding in the upper Country could not carry out The 
commands sent them by the General. 

When our savages go on the war-path of their own accord 
without the GeneraFs participation, such as Those who are set- 
ting out against the teste.=i plates, that is their affair and it costs 
11 [ 163 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

the King nothing. But in The matter of The Renards, they were 
urged and solicited by us, and at Last when Monsieur The Mar- 
quis De Beauhamois gave orders to the Commandants of the 
various posts to execute his Majesty's commands; to urge The 
savages to march and to raise bands against the Chicachas, they 
could not he induced to- do so without giving Themi ou the spot 
some munitions and provisions to enable them to take the field. 
This is the sole expense that these wars Entail. 

"We remain with very profound respect, Monseigneur Your 
very humble and very obedient servants, 



Quebec, October 9th, 1732. 

P. S. The statement of the expenditure in connection with 
the last expeditions against the Renards which we had The 
honor to send you last year, amounted to 21,Y49 livres, 12 sols. 
Those we send you this year, to the number of three, hereunto 
aimexed, exceed that sum by 234 livres, 8 sols owing to the 
omission therein of a receipt for an expenditure of like amount. 

The first and second of these Statements form part of the 
expenditure set forth in the account of 1730, to which The 
vouchers are annexed ; and As there is a surplus for the said 
year, we do not ask you for the money for the same which 
would amount to Y,391 livres 5 sols. You will Observe, Mon- 
seigneur, in The third statement how the various items of 
expenditure composing it are vouched for. This cannot be done 
any better in connection with expenses of that nature. We 
could not at The time avoid paying The voyageurs and others 
who are mentioned therein^ after, however, examining and even 
reducing Their bills according to the value of the goods at the 
posts where they were supplied. 

You are moreover aware, Monseigneur, that The only way to 
get The savages to act is to give them food and to equip them. 


1732] French Regime in Wisconsin 



[Letter from Beauharnois and Hocquart to the French Minister, 
dated, Oct. 11, 1732. Source, same as preceding document, but fol. 95.] 

MoNSEiGNETjE — Yoli Rsked US in one of yonr despatches this 
year for information respecting the copper mine in Lake Su- 
perior, a specimen of the ore from which was sent you by 
Monsietir De Beanhamois in 1728. All the Information that 
we have hitherto been able to obtain consists in the continued 
assurance of The sava^-es that the mine is in The Tonagaun 
River and in the Eiviere Noire/ and there is a constant tradi- 
tion among them that one of the islands in the Lake 25 Leagues 
from land, is full of this metal ; That the block of this mineral 
lying on the shore of the Lake to The AVest comes fromi one of 
those islands, and was carried there by the ice.^ To venture on 
the discovery of those islands in bark Canoes is too dangerous. 
Lake Superior is a sea and stronger vessels with decks would be 
needed to go from the main land to the said islands. Some 
savage Canoes attempted to cross over and were lost; probably 
only one succeeded in reaching there and in coming back, and 
this has given Eise to the tradition that is preserved among the 
savages that one or more of those Islands are full of a sub- 
stance suitable for making kettles (this is their expression) 
which has been reported to us both by Monsieur de la ronde^ 
who spoke to the savages at The time when he commanded at 
Ohagouamigon, and by The sieur De saint Pierre, an ensign, 
who lived 9 years in that quarter, and who Knows the savage 
Language better than the savages, as they themselves admit.* 

iThe Ontonagon River and the Black River of the upper peninsula 
of Michigan, both of which are indicated by these names on Bellin's 
map of 1T45. — Ed. 

2For details of this tradition, see Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, pp. 72-76. — Ed. 

3 For biography of Louis Denys, Sieur de la Ronde, see his own 
account written in 1739, post. He died in 1741. — Ed. 

4 Jacques le Gardeur, ISieur de St. Pierre (born in 1701), was the 
grandson of Jean Nicolet, and son of Paul le Gardeur, Sieur de St. 

1 165 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

On this Information which is more than mere conjecture, 
Monsieur De la ronde proposes, in the memorial which we have 
The honor to annex hereto ; to build two barks at his own ex- 
pense: one on Lake Superior and the other on Lake huron or 
Mchigan ; in order that, by means of these barks, he may dia- 
oover the islands in question, load them with copper from the 
mine and transport the same to Kiagara, whence it can easily 
be taken to Quebec. 

We consider The Sieur La Ronde's project a bo\.a fide one, 
all the more so that if he does not set to work The same year to 
build a bark on Lake Superior, he will be deprived of the Com- 
mand and trade of the post of Chagoumigan, which he asks for 9 
years to indemnify Him for the expense of his undertaking in 
which he associates with himself The sieur De St Pierre an 
equally prudent and intelligent Officer. 

There is no doubt of his good, faith nor of that of Monsieur 
Die la ronde, for they will be obliged at an early date in the 
Spring following the receipt of your orders, to fit out at Mon- 
treal 3 or 4 Canoes loaded with the rigging and the appliances 
most needed for building and navigating the vessels in ques- 

Plerre, who commanded at Chequamegon in 1718. Jacques doubtless 
remained as a trader in this region, and thus acquired his great famil- 
iarity with Indian languages. He became one of the most noted 
officers in the service of New France. He was with Lignery in his 
expedition of 1728, and the next year made a peace between the Sioux 
and the Cree; from 1734-37 he commanded at Fort Beauharnois. In 
1739-40, he commanded against the Chickasaw, and built a small 
fort in their territory. In 1745, he was in command at Niagara, and 
the same year relieved the French garrison on Lake Champlain. In 
1746, he campaigned in Acadia, and in 1747, was sent to command at 
Mackinac during an uprising of the Indians, which he skillfully 
allayed, and made peace in the upper country. In 1750, he was pro- 
moted to a captaincy, and being sent to continue the explorations of 
the Verendryes, penetrated as far as the Saskatchewan River. He 
arrived in Canada late in 1753, and was at once sent to the post in 
Western Pennsylvania, where he was encountered by Major Washing- 
ton, messenger from Governor Dinwiddie of Virginia. He joined 
Dieskau's expedition to Lake George in 1755, and was slain in the first 
battle. — Ed. 



1732] French Regime in Wisconsin 

tion — an Expense wliicli they would he careful not to incur if 
they were not sure of the Success of this undertaking in which 
his Majesty runs no risk. 

We remain with very profound respect, Monseigneur Your 
very huinMe and very obedient Servants, 


Quebec, October 11th, 1732. HoCQUABT 


[Letter of Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated Oct. 15, 1732. 
Source, same as preceding document, hut fol. 328.] 

Monseigneur — I have received the Letter that you did me 
the honor of writing to me on The 22nd of April last ; and I am 
greatly flattered at the Satisfaction given to His Majesty by the 
Blow that the Sieur de Villiers has inflicted Upon the Renards. 
Although it was a heavy one, and caused the destruction of the 
majority of that nation, The Slaves whom those savages had 
succeeded in withdrawing from the Nations with whom they 
Were, had enabled them to make up a Village of 45 Cabins near 
Ouisconsin in which were ninety men, besides nine other Cabins 
at a Distance from the former. It is upon these 45 Cabins, 
Monseigneur, that the last blow was struck by our Iroquois from 
the Lake of the two Mountains and by the hurons of Detroit, 
who have won Over the Eenards a victory as brilliant as the 
prudence and bravery they had displayed in everything that 
preceded it. You will Judge of it, Monseigneur, from the 
relation that I have already had the honor of Sending You via 1' 
Isle Royalle, and which I have the honor of forwarding you on 
the return of the King's Ship with an appendix respecting that 
which gave our Savages the advantage. We may now hope for 
the Total destruction of that nation; for, according to all the 
Letters sent me from the upper country and from the Places 
where they are in a position to be thoroughly informed, the 
remnant of that tril'O are said to consist merely of Fifty or sixty 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

men who beg for mercy on all sides, and who make up, Say ten 
Cabins, which have come to la baye to cast themselves into the 
arms of Monsieur de Villiers and in which were 20 men and 
80 or 40 women and Children; 4 other Cabins, two of which 
have gone to the Kikapoux and Maskoutins who would not 
receive them lest they might break their word given to their 
Father, and the two others to the river St Joseph where they 
were told the same thing; while Six others are Wandering 
about. These are all that remain I think, Monseigneur. 
Moreover if there were any others, besides the fact that they are 
no longer in a Condition to cause us any Anxiety, there will be 
no question of them before very long because All the other 
nations are actually in the Field to exterminate the race as they 
have been Informed that the E-enards had failed to keep the 
promise that they had given me to send down four of the most 
notable Among them this year. I sent back the Chief whom 
they had left me as a hostage, and through him I informed them 
that I had relied on the word that they had given me, I had not 
Requested the IsTations to destroy them; That the attack just 
made Upon them by the hurons and the Iroquois was apparently 
the sequel of the old quarrel that they had had Together ; that I 
had not been informed of their expedition ; but that as they had 
failed to observe the conditions that had Induced me to grant 
them their Lives, I left their fate to the discretion of the sav- 
ages. We may consider that it is in good hands judging from 
the ardor they display, and I do not think there will be a ques- 
tion of any Renard next year. 

The Sieur de Linctot who has been charged with the Re- 
establishment of the post among the scioux, wrote to me that 
he was unable to reach there before last spring, and that he 
was compelled to pass the winter at a Place called La Mon- 
tague qui tremp© dans I'Eau, thirty leagues from that post. 
Through that officer I learned that fourteen Eenards (who 
had Escaped from the attack of our hurons and Iroquois) 
had come to his Camp to beg for their lives. But that through 
fear of the Puants (who were Camped near the Sieur de 
Linctot) they had not long remained there, and I suspect 



1732] French Regime in Wisconsin 

they must be among those who came to throw themselves 
into the arms of the Sieur de Yilliers. The Sieur de Linctot 
adds that there were sixty-two Cabins of Scioux at the Place 
where he Established His post, And that he expects a still 
greater number when these savages (most of whom were away 
hunting) are Informed of his arrival; That those whom he 
met there had expressed great Satisfaction at seeing the French 
again; And that the chiefs of that nation were to come down 
next year to see me. 

I shall Inform the traders of that post that his majesty has 
granted them the fourth year's Privilege, that I had taken the 
liberty of asking from you for them ; but at the same time I beg 
you, Monseigneur, to permit me to allow them to enjoy it only 
so long as they fulfil the conditions of their Agreement (as they 
have Pledged themselves). This will also induce them to pay 
more particular attention. 

The Sieur de Villiers, whom I had Sent to re-establish the 
post at la Baye, has written to me that the Sakis had rebuilt 
their old Village at that Spot and that they were there with their 
families. I have permitted the Voyageurs to go to that place 
this year to supply their wants, and I shall continue this post 
when it is Established, as it was before being Evacuated. 

I have the honor to be with very profound respect, Mon- 
seigneur Your very humble and very obedient servant, 


Quebec, October 15th, 1732. 


[Enclosure in Beauharnois's annual report to the French Minister; 
no date on document, but probably Oct. 15, 1732. Speeches of other 
Indians and the governors' replies accompanied this. Source, same 
as preceding document, but vol. 57, c. 11, fol. 354.] 

Words of the Ilinois. 

My Father, I have come to see you with my Brothers, The 
Quicapoux and Maskoutins and to Fan you with this Calumet. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

I find that the weather is Clear since I see you. This is our 
manner of presenting a Calumet which means peace. 

I open mj heart to my Father, and it will be glad when I 
shall go away after hearing his word. You know that we were 
The first to attack the Kenards who killed us, which reduces us 
to a pitiahle Condition. Therefore, My Father, we ask You to 
have the same Consideration for us, as You have for your other 
Children and that You will take care of us who wish to Listen 
to no other word hut yours. 

Reply to the Words of the Ilinois 

It affords me much pleasure, Ouabichagana, to See thee 
united with the Quicapoux and Maskoutins and that you Live 
together as good brothers. The weather is always fair when I 
See my Children well-disposed as thou seemest to me to be. 

I am convinced that thou openest thy heart to me, and that 
thou answerest to me for that of thy young men who are but 
one with the©. Thou assnrest me that thou wilt be glad when 
thou wilt have heard my word. Here it is : Thou and all thy 
village may rely upon my kindness and protection, so long as 
you behave as you have hitherto done. In future I will show 
You the same consideration as I have to your Brothers with 
whom I Exhort you to be united and to have but one heart a? 
you have but one Father who will take care of You. 


[Extract of a letter from Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated 
Oct. 15, 1752, with endorsements of the government, Jan. 20, 1733. 
Source, same as preceding document, but vol. 58, c. 11, fol. 237.] 

The Sieur de Boishebert's occupations in connection with the 
action of the Hurons and Iroquois against the Eenards have not 
allowed him to send the maps that he was to Make of Lake 
Sainte Claire and Lake Huron. ^ 

1 Endorsement of the Minister: "It is hoped that they will be sent 
this year." 

[ 170 ] 

1732] French Regime in Wisconsin 

He has always recommended that officer, as he has Done in 
the case of his predecessors, to devote every attention to the set- 
tlement of Detroit and to the general welfare of the post/ But 
thongh they have not been deficient in. care On these two Points, 
it is impossible for this Settlement to become at all considerable 
so long as we do not send a sufficient number of troops there to 
whom lands would be conceded, whose value they might im- 
prove. And they would Afterward Become good settlers.^ 
About one hundred salt-Smugglers might also be sent there to 
whom advances would be made at first. 

By these means the post would soon become a considerable 
one, and by its Strength it would restrain all the nations of the 
upper country. 

He will, however, continue to recommend the officers com- 
manding there to induce the settlers to till their Farms and to 
maintain order.^ 

He will distribute the 12 Medals that have been sent to him 
only to the Chiefs whose attachment and Services Are known to 
him. As there are many in this position and as the expedition 
of our Iroquois and Hurons against the Renards places him 
under the necessity of giving some to the principal Chiefs of the 
band, he Asks that others be sent to him.* 

He asserts that he will be careful In the selection of the 
officers whom he will send to the posts. He adds that his 
attention in this respect excites jealousy but that he considers 
solely the capability of those whom he employs, the good of the 
Service and of the Colony.^ 

1 Endorsement of the Minister: "To continue." 

2 Endorsement of the Minister: "This can be done only in the event 
of the number of the troops being increased. What can be done will 
be decided hereafter." 

3 Endorsement of the Minister: "Good." 

4 Endorsement of the Minister: "Good. Write to Monsieur de Cotte 
to send 12 other similar to those he sent last year." 

5 Endorsement of Minister: "He cannot be too careful." 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvu 

He intends to send the Sieur de !N'ojan this year to command 
at Missilimakinac/ 

For the past two years he has been recommended to Avail 
himself of that officer's services. 


[Extract of a letter from Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated 
May 1, 1733, enclosing letters from commandants in the Upper Country. 
MS. in archives of Ministdre des Colonies, Paris; press-mark, "Canada, 
corresp. g6n., vol. 59, c. 11, fol. 4."] , 

MoNSEiGNEUB — I had the honor to write to yon last autumn 
that, owing to the Renards having found Means to withdraw 
some Slaves from the l^ations, they were able to make up the 
Village which was Attacked by our Iroquois of the Lake of two 
Mountains and the Hurons of Detroit, as You may have seen, 
Monseigneur, by the relation that I had the honor of Sending 
Ton, which was annexed to my Letter, and in Which I added 
that ^N'otwithstanding the Blow that our Warriors had struck 
At Them, it was asserted that there still remained fifty or sixty 
Men of that tribe who were Wandering about and whom the 
iN'ations wished to destroy utterly; And that Among others the 
tribes at Detroit had raised a band to kill them wherever they 
might find them assembled. 

I received Letters last Winter from the Commandants in the 
upper Country and from the Sieur de Boishebert who wrote to 
me that the Hurons, Oxitaouacs and Poutouatamis of Detroit 
started at the end of last autumn to carry out their design. I 
append hereto, Monseigneur, the relation of what happened on 
that Occasion, which has been sent me by the Sieur de Boishe- 
bert and by the Commandants of the River St Joseph and of the 

I had the honor of informing you, Monsieur, of the ravages 
caused by small pox among the Villages of the Five iroquois 

1 Endorsement of Minister: "Good. He is a person to be employed." 

1733] French Regime in Wisconsin 

Kations. From the 'News I have received I learn that It is 
decreasing there But that It has spread among all the nations, 
and that the Miamis and Pontouatamis Among others have lost 
many Persons. Brandy which they went to get from the Eng- 
lish, has also contributed to their ruin. And I must, Mon- 
seigneur. Communicate to You what the Commandant of the 
Miamis has written me Eespecting the extraordinary Effects 
>f that liquor. 

I have the honor to be with very profound respect, Monseig- 
leur. Your very humble and very obedient servant. 

Quebec, May 1st, 1733. 

[Enclosure in the above: extract of a letter from Boish^bert, com- 
landant at Detroit, to Beauharnois, dated Nov. 7, 1732. Source, same 
as preceding document, but vol. 57, c. 11, fol. 345.] 

After our warriors had marched 22 days, they came upon 
the Eenards on the shore of Lake Marameek^ in a stockade 
fort with an earthen rampart inside to the height of a man, 
with a watch-tower or block-house above it. This fort is situ- 
ated between the lake and an Impassable swamp so that it can 
be approached only by means of a tongue of land. This is the 
description given by all the huron, Outaoiiac and Poutoiiatami 

The Savages who had divided into two bands, did not reach 
the fort together. All the hurons and eight or ten Outaoiiacs 
arrived there three days before the others. After carefully 
Reconnoitering the fort and its position, they made an attempt 
to Induce the Renards to come out and they succeeded ; for 
when they sent five or six men close to the palisade at day- 
break, a woman came out whom they killed. As soon as the 

1 The location of this lake is a vexed question. It probably has some 
relation to the "Maramech" of Franquelin's map of 1684, and the river 
called there "Pestekouy," now known as Fox River of northern Illinois. 
The nearest lake is Pistakee, in Lake County, 111. This may be the 
ground identified by J. F. Steward, in the township of Little Rock, Ken- 
dall County, III. See ante, p. 129.— Ed. 

[ 173 ] 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. 


E^nards perceived this, they made a sortie, and fell into the 
ambush of our savages who pressed forward too much, and this 
Prevented the Renards from advancing far enough to be sur- 
rounded. Some volleys were fired on both sides. The Ren- 
ards lost four men and some woimded and they retreated into 
their fort. 

After this first attack, the hurons made them a proposal to 
surrender, promising them their lives. They replied that they 
consented; but it was necessary to await the arrival of the 
otber nations. The Outaouacs and Poutouatamis who had gone 
to the Maskoutins, arrived on the following day with the Ilinois 
of le Rocher, and there was no longer any thought of making 
proposals. They made a second attempt, which met with no 
more success than, the first one. The Renards made another 
sortie, volleys were fired on both sides by which three hurons 
were killed and some of the other savages wounded. After this 
affair, a council was held in which it was resolved that a Pout- 
outami Chief should enter the Renards' fort to propose that 
they surrender. He entered it, and when he made the pro- 
posal, They told him that they would have surrendered as they 
had agreed to do at the first summons, but that they saw very 
well that our savages wished to deceive them for attempts had 
been made to take them unawares during the parleys ; that they 
had no other answer to give except that the Kations should with- 
draw; that they would remain quiet in their fort, and that in 
the Spring they would come to Detroit or to the river St 
Joseph. The matter ended there, but as the hurons have lost 
three men on this occasion, if the Renards do not forestall them 
by surrendering as they have promised to do, the former will 
not fail to return to attack them. 

One of the huron chiefs is to come to Montreal this summer 
to Invite our Iroquois, and the Lorette hurons^ to Join them in 
order to completely end The matter. 

iThe Lorette Hurons were a village of the Christian Indians of that 
tribe, established (1697) at the Jesuit mission of Lorette, eight miles 
from Quebec. These mission Indians were much employed in the 
Canadian wars. The village and mission still exist. — Ed. 



French Regfime in Wisconsin 


[Letter of Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated May 3, 1733. 
urce, same as preceding document, but vol. 59, c. 11, fol. 6.] 

MoNSEiGNEUR — I am unable to give you any news of what 

going on in the Mississipi Country owing to an Accident that 
appened to those to whom Monsieur de Boishebert had en- 
trusted the letters from that country. Two of our French who 
had resolved to return last winter on the ice, had an affair with 
the savages in which one of the latter was killed. He deserved 
Ms fate. As several of their comrades took part in it, our 
Frenchmen retraced their steps to Detroit. They were Robbed 
of all they had, and the letters that were in their packs were 
seized. I Hope, Monseigneur, that Monsieur de Boishebert has 
taken steps to have them found, and I shall act in accordance 
with the news I receive. The difficulty will I think, Monseig- 
neur, be to create a diversion in that country so long as our 
savages are determined to utterly destroy the few Renards who 
^re left. 

I relied to a great extent on the Miamis, the Ouiatanons and 
the Peanguichias but "the mortality among them may disturb 
my plans; They are nevertheless Requested to assist them. 
They must feel very well that their disaster is entirely due to the 
Brandy of the English. 

I remain with very profound Respect, Monseigneur, Your 
very humble and very o})edient servant, 

Quebec, May 3d, 1733. 

I Had The honor, Monseigneur, of Writing you last year 
that smallpox had caused great ravages among the Iroquois. 
It Spread everywhere. Our savages who are settled at sault 
St Louis And the Lake of Two Mountains suffered from it. 
It afterwards extended to Montreal where it was verj^ severe. 
There is no longer any question of it. But it is very prevalent 
here though Less Virulent 

[ 175 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 


[Extracts from the instrnctions of the King and Minister to the 
Governor and Intendent of New France. MS. In archives of Ministfere 
des Colonies, Paris; press-mark, "Collection Moreau-St. M6ry, vol. 10, 
f. 12, fol. 131."] 

May 12, 1733. 
Acknowledges His Majesty has had an account rendered to 
receipt of onr him of what the Sienrs de Beauharnois and 
letters. Hocquart Wrote last year respecting the affairs 

of the Colony ; And in order to enable them to 
Continue the administration thereof with the same Zeal and 
Attention they have Hitherto displayed, He has decided to ex- 
plain to them His Intentions Regarding the various matters 
•within their jurisdiction. 

Copper Mines. He has N'oticed all that they have written 
with Eeference to the Copper Mines near 
Chagoiiamigon. And, After Eixamining the Memorial of the 
Sieur de la Eonde denis, the Captain whom they Sent, He has 
approved the proposition made by that officer to Undertake the 
discovery and Working of those Mines, And, to that end, will 
approve of the Sieur Marquis de Beauharnois' granting him 
the Post of Chagoiiamigon for nine years, as he requests, on 
the conditions proposed by him, IN'amely : that he Shall be bound 
to build two Vessels at His own expense, one of Twenty-five 
Tons on Lake Superior and another of fifty Tons on the Lake 
of Sault Ste Marie, in order to transport the Ore taken from the 
Mines to !N^iagara, whence he shall send it down ©very year to 
Quebec in large flat Boats, And that, in the spring of the follow- 
ing year, he shall send up Canoes for the conveyance of the 
rigging and other things required for the two Vessels, together 
•with the carpenters and Sailors he may need. 
Copper. It is upon such conditions that His Majesty Ex- 
pects the Sieur de la Ronde to undertake the dis- 
covery and working of the Mines in question; And Should he 
not fulfil them the very first year, it is His Majesty's wish that 


1733] French Regime in Wisconsin 

he shall pay, as he has offered to do, the rental of the Post of 
Ohagoiiamigoii At the rate to be determined by the Sieurs Mar- 
quis do Eeanhamois and Hocquart, to whose decision His 
Majesty leaves the Matter, and that, Moreover, he shall be 
deprived of the permission His Majesty is pleased to grant him. 
They shall obtain a Tender from him in accordance witb the 
above and see that he Fulfils the same, rendering an account of 
the execution thereof. 


Renards — He has also learned v^ith complete Satis- 

The conduct faction of the Condition to whicb the Eenardi 
of the general are reduced by the Blow inflicted On that 
approved. nation, by the hurons and iroquois of the Lake 

of two Mountains since the action of the Sieur 
de Villiers. According to the special Keport thereon made by 
the Sieur Marquis de Beauharnois, there is reason to Hope tbat 
that nation is at last in such a condition that it will no longer 
cause anxiety, Especially If the other nations have carried out 
their design of Exterminating the race. 

Moreover, His Majesty, in view of the fact that this same 
iN'ation has failed to keep the promise it had made to the Sieur 
Marquis de Beauharnois to s^nd him, last Summer, four of ita 
principal chiefs, has approved of his having sent back the 
hostage he had in his hands, with orders to tell His people that 
such failure to keep their promise Induced him to leave them 
at the mercy of the Savages who had taken the Field to attack 
them. His Majesty has no doubt that he has maintained the 
latter in the same dispositions they manifested in this respect, 
and that he has taken all the steps in his power to secure the 
complete destruction of that nation which there is no hope oi 
restraining so long as it is in a Oonditioai: to mioYa 
To report. He is to report whatever May occur in this Ee- 

Post of the Scioux. His majesty was also pleased to leaJH 
that the post of the Scioux has been fully 
established, and that those Savages have received the French 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

with evidences of Satisfaction; It is to be desired that the 
Sieur de Linctot, whom the Sieur Marquis de Beauhamois has 
placed in charge of that Establishment, should maintain that 
nation in its present dispositions. The Sienr Marquis de 
Beauhamois is Aware of the importance of propitiating them, 
and His Majesty is convinced that he will always take the most 
suitable measures to derive all the benefits that can be expected 
from them. He will continue to report on the progress of that 

He-establishment The re-establishment of the post of la 

of the post of la Baye has given His Majesty no less pleas- 
Baye approved. ure, And as the Sakis Have returned 
thither, He approves of the Sieur Marquis 
de Beauhamois' having sent up Voyageurs last year to supply 
their needs. Tranquillity being no longer disturbed in that 
quarter, it will be easy for him to send there every year, as His 
Majesty recommends him to do. 

Le Sieur Joncaire. His Majesty has also learned with 
Chaouanons. pleasure of the Success of the expedition 

Their being in of the Sieur joncaire to the Chaouanons. 

the neighborhood The manner in which the Hurons, Mi- 
of the Miamis amis, and Oliyatanons have consented to 

and Guiatanons have those savages become their neighbors 

gives reason to hope that great advantages 
may be derived therefrom. Especially If harmony and accord 
continue to reign between those I^ations. The Sieur de Beau- 
hamois must contribute to this, all the more so that it is one of 
the Surest means of maintaining them in their attachment to 
the French and of keeping them away from the English, who 
Will be compelled to abandon the project they had of Establish- 
ing posts in the direction of the Oiiabache Hiver when they meet 
with opposition on the part of those Savages. This considera- 
tion, added to the Assistance that may be obtained from that 
nation in case of a rupture with the jroquois, must lead the 
Sieur de Beauhamois to Realize how important it is to propiti- 



1733] French Regime in Wisconsin 

ate them. His Majesty is convinced that he will give His 
entire attention to this. 


untry of the 
Islinois united 
to the Government 
f Louisiana. 

With regard to the Eeport His Majesty 
has had made to Him concerning what 
the Sieurs de Beauhamois and Hocquart 
wrote last year, and what was also written 
him by the Sieiirs Perrier, the late Gover- 
or, and Salmon, the Commissary general of Louisiana, respect- 
ng tlie country of the jllinois Savages, He has decided to leave 
at country a dependency of the Government of Louisiana, and 
as ordered the Sieur de Bienville, whom he has appointed to 
at Government, to make suitable provision for the Command 
f that important post, and the Sieur Salmon to send the neces- 
ry Munitions there. He, nevertheless, recommends the Sieur 
arquis de Beauhamois to give that post all the attention in 
his power. 

His Majesty has approved of his having 
caused the Nations which are in a position 
to harass them, to declare against the Chica- 
chas ; of his having again written to the Com- 
mandants of the posts of the Miamis, the 
Ouitanons, and the jllinois to induce their 
Savages to strike a blow At that nation, and of his having also 
sounded the Hurons with the same object. There is no better 
way of subjugating them than to make a diversion from Canada, 
while the Sieur de Bienville w^ll take measures to harass them 
from Louisiana. 

The Sieurs de Beauhamois and Hoe- 
quart have had reason to believe that the 
defeat of the [N'atche's has not been so 
complete as had been proclaimed. Their 
movements since then have only too clearly 
proved the contrary, but, inasmuch as that nation has since 
experienced various defeats in which it has lost many of Its 
warriors, there is reason to believe that it Would not be in a 
Condition to give any trouble, were it not supported by the 
12 [ 179 ] 

Measures of 
Monsieur the 
General against 
the Chicachas 

The N'atchez 
and Chicachas 
near their destruc- 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voLxvu 

Chicaclias. And this makes tlie subjugation of tlie latter all the 
more important. According to the last news received from 
Loiiisiana, All the jtTations seem to be in arms against botb tbe 
Katchez and the Chicachas, and there was reason to hope that 
blows were to be inflicted against either one or the other of 
those ISTations that would not fail to subjugate them. His 
Majesty has given His orders in consequence to the Sieur do 
Bienville/ and, judging from His Zeal and ability, he expects 
him to succeed in restoring peace and tranquillity in the Colony. 
He has ordered him to take advantage of every opportunity to 
inform the Sieur Marquis de Beauhamois of everything that 
may occur. The Sieur de Beauhamois must do the same with 
!Regard to Him, in order that both may Be in a Position to lay 
their plans in concert According to the information they may 
give one another. 

Twelve medals His Majesty is Satisfied with the as- 

to be given to those surrances of the Sieur Marquis de Beau- 
who deserve them. hamois that he will distribute the 
twelve medals, Sent him by His Maj- 
esty last year for the Savage chiefs, only when the latter shall 
be deserving of the same : And On his request for a similar nunu- 
ber of such medals, He has given orders that they be sent to 
him, recommending him to exercise the same care in their 

1 Jean Baptiste le Moyne, Sieur de Bienville, at this time governor 
of Louisiana, was Canadian born (Montreal, Feb. 23, 1680), and 
younger brother of Iberville, the founder of the Mississippi colony. 
He served with Iberville on his expedition to Hudson Bay (1797), 
when but a youth of seventeen, and two years later accompanied him 
and was his trusted lieutenant in establishing the new colony, as whose 
virtual governor he acted from 1702-04. Again (1718-24), he waa 
governor-general of the colony, and after the administration of PSrier 
served for ten years longer (1733-43), when he retired to Paris, where 
he died in 1768. To Bienville is due the honor of having founded 
New Orleans. — Ed. 


French Regime in Wisconsin 



[Letter of Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated May 30, 1733. 
MS. in archives of Ministere des Colonies, Paris; press-mark, "Canada, 
)rresp. g6n., vol. 57, c. 11, fol. 8."] 

MoisrsEiGNEUR — I have just received Letters from Detroit, 
rom the Miamis, and from the Ouyatanons where small-Pox 

id a ^Malignant Fever have continued to Cause great ravages. 

I repeated in those Posts, Monseigneur, the orders that I had 

iven last year to Form Bands to join the Jlinois and to attack 

[the IvTatchez And Chicachas. By a Letter of the 14th of March 

from the Post among the Ouyatanons, I am informed that the 

Jhicachas attacked during the night a Detachment of one Hun- 

;d and Fifty Men who were coming from l^ew Orieans ; that 
Fteen Frerch were wounded, the Sieur Chevalier de T'onty* 
being among the number, and that the Chicachas withdrew witH 
the loss of Some of Their men. 

I am also informed that seven Frenchmen who had been 
among the Jlinois, have been killed or captured while ascending 
the Ouabache, fifteen Leagues below the beautiful river (Oyo).^ 
This news is confirmed by the fact that a pirogue has been found 
with Sacks of Corn On the Bank of the River, and a Chest 
that had been broken open, which belonged to the Master of the 
Canoe, in which were two letters for Private Individuals among 
the Ouyatanons. As no news had been received when they 
wrote to me, it is conjectured that these had been taken by the 

I am waiting every D'ay for the result of the Truce between 
the Plurons and the Eenards, for the latter have promised that 
they would come this spring to the River St Joseph or to 

Monsieur de Boishebert writes me that several Bands of 
outaouais and Poutouatamis from Detroit attacked the Chioa- 

iSee ante, note 1, p. 3, on Desliettes de Tonty. — Ed. 
2 For an early description of the Ohio River, and its name, "the 
beautiful river," see Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, pp. 364, 365.— Ed. 

[ 181 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voLxvu 

chas and that last Siunmer he had Caused four Bands of outao- 
uais who were going to the Testes plattes to change thein route; 
that he had barred the road to them and Made them turn their 
arms against the Chicaehas, from whose country they returned 
in The autumn with several Scalps and Slaves Without any 
other Explanation. 

I Eemain with very profound respect, Monseigneur Your very 
humble and very obedient Servant, 

Montreal, May 30th, 1733. Beauhabnois. 


[Extract of a letter from Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated 
July 1, 1733. Source, same as preceding document, but fol. 10.] 

MoNSEiGNEUR — The Eenards have at last abandoned their 
fort in which there remained only Fifty of them in all: (Forty 
Warriors and 10 Boys from twelve to thirteen years of age). 
They went to la Baye to beg Monsieur de Villiers to ask their 
Father to have mercy on them. He has brought here four of 
the principal men among them, Two of them being Former 
Chiefs. The instigator of all their misdeeds whose name is 
Kiala is among these. The chief who had remained as a 
Hostage two years ago and whom I had sent back, has also 
returned. I am sending the Sieur de Villiers at once to return 
to la Baye with orders to take every proper precaution, by 
Means of the ISTations which Are faithful to us, to bring all the 
Renards to Montreal or to destroy them. If we succeed I shall 
disperse them among our Villages of settled savages. I think, 
Monseigneur, that to send them to France with the view of dis- 
tributing them among the islands would Be the most advan- 
tageous for the Country because here they could always desert 
to the English. I am Having the three others taken to Quebec 
with two women and I send back The hostage with the Sieur de 
Villiers, as he may be of use to us. 

The Sieur de Villiers also has orders. If that Wretched Rem- 



French Regime in Wisconsin 

nant will not obey, to kill Them without thinking of making a 
single Prisoner, so as not to leave one of the race alive in the 
upper Country If possible. If he is obliged to exterminate the 
Men, the women and Children who remain will be brought here, 
Especially the Children. I Hope, Monseigneur, that if this 
step meets with the success that I expect from it, we shall be in 
a Position next year to make all our J^ations of the Lakes attack 
the Chicachas. As I have written to Detroit and to all the 
Posts in the Neighborhood of the Mississipy to go there, I 
expect that there will be a number of Bands in the Field. 
Thirty Men from sault St. Louis and from the Lake of two 
Mountains have gone there lately. 

The Village of the Sakis, Monseigneur, has been restored to 
its former Condition. 

I remain with very profound respect, Monseigneur, Your 
very Humble and very obedient servant, 


Montreal, July 1st, 1733. 


[Letter from Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated Oct. 1, 
1733. Source, same as preceding document, but vol. 54, c. 11, fol. 377.] 

MoNSEi&NEUR — The Sieur de Muy,^ the Commandant at 
Hiver St Joseph, wrote me on the 5th of June tJiat the entire 
Village of the Jlinois of le Roeher was in great consternation. 
Last Spring thirty of their young men, while on the road of 

1 Jacques Pierre Daneaux, Sieur de Muy, was the son of a noted 
French officer, who came to Canada in 1685, married Marguerite 
Boucher, and after serving with distinction in King William's 
War (1689-97), died on his way to Louisiana to assume the governor- 
ship. The son was born in 1695, commanded at River St. Joseph in 
1733, served as captain in King George's War (1744-48). He was apr 
pointed commandant of Detroit in 1755, dying there in 1757. His 
superior officer reported in 1747 that he was a "prudent, wise, and 
sedate man, and a very exact officer in all that appertains to the 
King's service." — Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voixvu 

the Sioux toward the Wisconsin, Fell upon the Saulteurs, Follea 
avoines, Sakis, and J^Tepissin^es, killing three Men, three 
women, and a Child in the cradle, and capturing two little 
girls whom Four of the principal Chiefs brought to him and 
whom he sent to Monsieur de Montigny, the Commandant at 
Missilimakinac, to restore to the saulteurs. Those four Chiefs, 
Monseigneur, gave him a Collar to be sent to me with words. 
By that Collar thej beg me to have pity on Them and to speak 
to the nations to induce them to forget the evil Deed that their 
young Men have Done. I At once, Monseigneur, sent orders 
to all the Commandants to Prevent the nations from Attacking 
Them until this matter can be settled. I shall inform you next 
year, Monseigneur, of what happens with reference to this. 

I E^main with, very profound respect, Monseigneur, Your 
very humble and very obedient Servant, 


Quebec, October 1st, 1733. 



[Extract of the official yearly report of Beauharnois and Hocquart 
to the French Minister, dated, Oct. 14, 1733. Source, same as preced- 
ing document, but vol. 59, c. 11, fol. 1G3.] 

Monseigneur — 

Extract with The Sieur de Beauharnois is highly flattered 
everything at the satisfaction that His Majesty has felt 
relating to respecting the Condition to which the Eenards 
the savages. are reduced. From the Account that he had 
had the honor of giving you, Monseigneur, in 
his letters of the 1st of July and 10th of October last, it does 
not appear that this Kation will cause us any anxiety. The 
step they have taken in sending down four of the most notable 
among them to Montreal in the name of the remainder of the 
!N"ation has not prevented the Sieur de Beauharnois from giving 
orders to the Sieur de Yilliers to return to la Baye and to take 


1733] French Regime in Wisconsin 

the necessary precautions, by means of the iN'ations that are 
faithful to us, to bring the remnant of tbe Eenards to Mon- 
treal, or to destroy them if they refuse to submit to it. The 
decision taken by the Sieur de Beauharnois in this Regard is 
not based upon any anxiety that the few remaining Renards 
may cause ; but as they are all assembled at la Baye and so slight 
a matter occupies the attention of all the nations which are 
desirous of Exterminating the race, the Sieur de Beauharnois 
has thought that it could easily be effected through the Sieur 
de Villiers; all the more so that the !N'ations up there can be 
more usefully employed in attacking the Chicachas, without 
Allowing them to prolong a war against the Renards, of which 
there will probably no longer be any question, and which might 
have lasted a long time had the task of putting an end to it Been 
left to the savages. The Sieur de Beauharnois ventures to hope 
that His Majesty will be pleased to approve of his conduct and 
that He will be no less satisfied with what he will do Regarding 
the Chicachas. 

He has the honor to call your attention, Monseigneur, to what 
is pointed out to him by the King^s memorial Respecting the 
Chawanons. He Was greatly flattered on learning that His 
Majesty Was satisfied with the accord that reigned between this 
Kation, the hurons, theMiamis, and the Oniatanons. He has the 
honor to communicate to you, Monseigneur, the reasons that 
oompelled him^ to send the Sieur Desnoyelles to the Miamis — 
a party of whom had Established themselves at the Riviere 
blanche and two others : one on the upper part of the Kiepigon 
River and the other between the River St Joseph and the 
Miamis — to bring them back to their Village,^ and to Induce 
the Chawanons to kindle their fire there in accordance with the 

iThis village of the Miami was situated upon the Maumee River, 
and known by the name of Kekionga. "Riviere blanche" was a title 
bestowed by the French upon several clear rivers. This was either 
the Sandusky, or the Little Miami, both of which are called by this 
name on early maps; more probablj'-, it was the former. The Kiepigon 
was probably the present White River, of Indiana; on the earliest 
edition of Franquelin's map, this is named "Orapigianing; " later it 
was known as River St. Anne. — Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

request made by the Miamis to the Sieur de Beauharnois. 
There is Reason to believe that the -anioii of these two ITations 
will Thwart the intentions that the English might have of 
Establishing posts for the purpose of attracting them ; and there 
is every reason to believe also that the Chawanons will accept 
the Miamis' proposal, for they informed the Sienr de Beau- 
harnois of their desire to form but one Village with their 
brothers. The Sieur Desnoyelles has orders to get the Wia- 
tanons to join him in inducing the Miamis to return to their 
Village which they have abandoned solely in consequence of the 
ravages of small-pox; at least that is the pretext they have 

The Sieurs de Beauliamois and hocquart have observed, Mon- 
seigTieur, what is written to them regarding the dependence of 
the Jllinois country which his Majesty has been pleased to 
include in the Government of Louisiana. They are not aware 
of the reasons that have induced His Majesty to do this. The 
request made by these savages to the Sieur de Beauharnois to be 
dependents of this Government, owing to the diflSoulty they 
would have in supplying their needs from the Mississipi, seemed 
to be worthy of some consideration with regard to Them. In 
any case, the Sieur de Beauharnois will continue to devote all 
the attention in his power to that post and to send the necessary 
orders to it. 

The Sieur de Beauharnois has the honor of communicating 
to you, Monseigneur, those notices that he has given to all the 
posts to Induce the ISTations to attack the Chicachas, and to the 
Governor of Louisiana to have them harassed on his side. The 
means that he has taken to create a diversion among all the 
^Nations which are in a position to molest them seem the surest 
and the most suitable for their subjugation ; all the more so that 
the War with the Renards in which the savages Were engaged 
is ended, and larger bands will be available for attacking the 
Chicachas; and there is reason to believe that we shall be able 
to destroy them in a short time. 

* * * -K- -Sf * -x-* 

[ 186 ] 

French Regime in Wisconsin 

The Sieur de Beanhamois has received the 12 medals that 
His Majesty has had the Kindness to send him for the purpose 
of decorating the savage Chiefs who may have deserved them. 
He will be very careful to distribute them only in this case. 
The Result of the war with the Renards and of that with the 

IChicachas has entitled to that mark of distinction many who 
have not yet received it and to whom it is necessary to grant it 
The Sieur de Beauharnois will devote to this object those he has 
received, the greater poriion whereof he has already promised. 
-::- x- * -jf * -x- -K- * 

We remain with very profound respect, Monseigneur, Your 
very humble and very obedient servants, 


Quebec, October 14th, 1733. 


[Extract of a letter from Beauharnois and Hocquart to the French 
Minister, dated Oct, 15, 1733. Source, same as preceding document, 
but vol. 59, c. 11, fol. 219.] 


^J * * -Sf * * * * 

We have communicated to Monsieur Delaronde the favor con- 
ferred on him by His Majesty in granting him the privilege of 
working the copper mines with the post of Chagouamigon. We 
have explained to Him his Majesty's intentions on the subject, 
and we will see that he complies with them. He has, as asso- 
ciate in that undertaking. The Sieur Le Gardeur Dfe St Pierre, 
Ensign, who possesses much Wisdom and intelligence and knows 
the language of all the savages of the upper Country. We will 
report next year on the progress of that establishment. 

Quebec, October 15th, 1733. 



Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 


[Letter of Beauliarnois and Hocquart to the French Minister, dated 
Nov. 11, 1733. Source, same as preceding document, but vol. 60, c 
11, fol. 297.] 

MoNSEiGNEUE — Monsieur De Beauhamois had the honor by 
his letter of the first of July last to inform you of the orders that 
he had given to the Sieur De Villiers whom he had sent back as 
Commandant at la Baye, and of the manner in which he was to 
act regarding the Renards. The result has not fulfilled our 

The Sieur De Villiers, the younger, an Ensign in the Troops, 
who has succeeded to the Command of that Post through the 
death of his Father, has sent one of his brothers and The Sieur 
Douville^ with Letters giving us the particulars of what hap- 
pened in the month of September last at the Post of La Baye. 

Monsieur De Villiers, the Commandant of that Post arrived 
there on The 16th of the said month of September alone in his 
Canoe. He had left at a distance of half a League from there 
The Sieur De Repentigny,^ a Lieutenant, who was Command- 
ant at Missilimakinac, together with 200 Savages; Outawacs, 
folles avoines, and sauteux, and about 60 French. The Sieur 
De Villiers had given Him orders to be ready to march as soon 
as he heard The signal of 3 gun-shots and he had also detached 
his son. The Ensign, with 10 Frenchmen and 50 Savages to 
the petit Cacalin,^ a passage by which the Renards might escape. 

When Monsieur De Villiers arrived at the French fort, he at 
once sent for The Saki Chiefs to inform Them of Their father's 

iThe ensign was probably Louis Coulon de Villiers, called "Ze gravid 
Yilliers;" for his biotfaphy, see Wis. Hist. Colls., v, p. 119. Alexandre 
Dagneau, Sieur Douville, was married to Marie Coulon de Villiers in 
1730.— Ed. 

2 Probably the elder son of Pierre de iGardeur de Repentigny, who 
accompanied Duluth (see Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, pp. 119, 123); and elder 
brother of the Repentigny who later commanded at Mackinac. — Ed. 

3 Now called Little Kaukauna, in Brown County, Wis., about ten 
miles above the present city of Green Bay, on Fox River. — Ed. 



1733] French Regime in Wisconsin 

Intentions. Tlie chiefs came to Him and lie explained to Tliem 
that their father had granted the remnant of the Eenards who 
were with Them, their lives; But on the condition that they 
should submit to his orders and go to Montreal. After a Coun- 
cil which lasted some time, as the Sakis Chiefs gave no positive 
answer, Monsieur De Villiers sent 4 of them back to Their fort^ 
to tell their tribe that if within a certain time they did not 
send The Eenards to him, he would go and get Them Himfielf. 
When the specified time had elapsed without the Renards 
appearing, and when Monsieur de Villiers, whom the sieur De 
Eepentigny had joined, saw that The Sakis were not coming 
back, he resolved to go to their Fort in person accompanied by 
two of his Children, by the Sieur Douville, the younger, his 
son-in-law, and by 7 or 8 French to ask Them to Deliver up 
The Eenards to Him. He had just given orders to the Sieur 
Dfe Eepentigny to guard The approaches to the Sakis' fort with 
The remainder of the French lest the Eenards should escape. 
When Monsieur De Villiers arrived at the Door of the fort he 
asked the Sakis for the Eenards. He found there some armed 
Bakis who told him to withdraw, And when he tried to enter a 
Savage approached Him with uplifted Tomahawk and at The 
same moment three gun-shots were fired, one of which killed one 
of the Sieur De Villiers' sons at his side. The Father and the 
French discharged their pieces and this was followed by other 
volleys from the Sakis by Avhich Monsieur de Villiers was killed, 
and three French were wounded. 

Monsieur De Eepentigny who guarded The aproaches on the 
side of the woods, ran up and was killed a moment afterward in 
a sortie that the Sakis made against Him. The Sieur Duples- 
sis, a Cadet in the Troops, and six other French met the same 
fate. 200 of our Savages who had remained in the French fort 
went to the Assistance of the others and when the Sakis saw 

^ This appears to have been situated on the lake shore, opposite the 
French fort, on the east side of Fox River, near the present city of 
Green Bay. — ^Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvu 

them coming' they withdrew into Their fort. 3 of them were 

Three days after this action The Sakis evacuated Their fort- 
during The night and The Ensign, Sieur De Yilliers, who had 
returned from lo petit Cacalin, assembled all the French and 
Savages — Outawacs, foUes avoines and Sauteux — and pursued 
The Sakis and overtook them about 4 o'clock in the evening 
8 Leagues from the post.^ He attacked them and fought Them 
until night. 20 Sakis and 6 Renards were killed in this last 
fight; 9 were mortally wounded besides others who were 
wounded and whose number is not known. On the side of the 
sieur Dfe Yilliers, his brother, a C'adet with aigtiillettes, received 
a gun-shot wound in the arm; The Sieurs D'aillebout, the des 
Musseaux brothers,^ and 8 other French were also wounded 
while two others were kiUed. 

The Outawacs lost 9 men, the grand Chief of The nation 
being among the number ; The f olles avoines 6 ; The sauteux 2 
and 4 wounded in all. 

Monsieur De Beauharnois will at once give the necessary 
orders to attack The Sakis and The remainder of the Renards 
to avenge The blood of the French that has been shed, and he 
"will concert with Monsieur hocquart regarding The expense 
that will have to be incurred. He has The honor to submit 
to you by a private Letter the ^ames of the officers who are to 

iFor the tradition preserved among the Indians and French of this 
event, see "Grignon's Recollections," Wis. Hist. Colls., iii, pp. 204-206. 
The name there given as "De Velie," is doubtless De Villiers. Another 
form of the tradition, is given in Wis. Hist. Colls., viil, pp. 207, 208. 
Dr. Draper dated this 1730, because of his knowledge of De Villiers's 
attack of that year, and not of this embroilment in 1733. The Sieur 
Duplessis was a son of the former commandant at La Baye, and son- 
in-law of De Villiers. — Eu. 

2 This is about the distance of Little Butte des Morts, near the pres- 
ent city of Appleton, and thus would coincide with tradition. — Ed. 

3 The Sieiurs Daillebout, and the brothers Des Musseaux were all 
relatives, descendants of Charles D'Aillebout, a prominent judge at 
Montreal during the 17th century, and Catherine le Gardeur. Thus 
they were also relatives of De Repentigny. — Ed. 

[190] ^ 

1734] French Regime in Wisconsin 

replace those who have been killed. We unite with him in 
asking you for their promotion which they deserve, and a pen- 
sion for Madame De Villiers, to provide for her subsistence and 
that of her numerous family, Since she is a widow with 10 
children. The Sieur De Villiers who was Wounded and the 
Sieur Douville, the younger, arrived this evening form Montreal. 
Fortunately The Vessel Le Saint Joseph of L'Isle Royale which 
sailed this morning, had been compelled to put back in conse- 

[quence of a leak. It will sail tomorrow at daybreak And we 

[tave barely time to write you this Letter. 

We remain with very profound respect, Monseigneiir, Your 
very humble And very obedient servants. 

Quebec, November 11th, 1733. 



[Memoir by the Jesuit missionary, Le Sueur, from MS. preserved 
in the archives of the Mission of St. Frangois du Lac,i translated from 
an apograph in the archives of St. Mary's College, Montreal. Pub- 
lished also in Les Soirees Canadienes (Quebec, 1864), iv, pp. 111-135.] 

History of the Calumet and of the Dance 

While all the nations of this continent dwelt in profound 
peace and while the English, ever watchful of their Interests, 
Imperceptibly took possession of the abenakis' lands and suc- 
ceeded much better by negotiations and through the medium of 
a very advantageous trade than they could have done by open 

1 Father Jacques Eustache (or Frangois) Le Sueur came to Canada 
in 1716, and having studied the Abenaki language, was assigned to the 
mission of those Indians, called St. Francois de Sales, near Three 
Rivers, Quebec. He served there nearly all of his life, having lived in 
Quebec and Montreal at short periods, dying at the latter place in 
1760. He left a dictionary of the Abenaki language, and a MS. volume 
on the savages, which contains this account of the calumet dance. — Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

war and bj the report of cannon, and when their progress 
alarmed the French, the latter strove to embroil the two nations 
and spared no effort to induce the Abenakis to compel the Eng- 
lish to leave their Country/ 

At that time and in the year 1719, the Eenards sent a mes- 
sage to the Abenakis.^ This was expressed by a Picture, one 
side whereof represented several very large and very populous 
Villages, men and women of tall stature, well-fed children, very- 
fertile fields, woods full of Elk, moose and other wild animals, 
and finally Rivers teeming with beaver and fish ; on the other 
side of the Picture were represented some small Villages barely 
visible; the persons observed in them were so emaciated that they 
oould hardly stand ; neither fields producing com could be seen, 
nor woods full of wild Animals, no Eivers capable of supplying 
beaver and fish; but only a great Dragon, one-half of which 
showed out from the side of the Picture and whose open jaws 
threatened to swallow the wretched little villages.^ The fol- 
lowing is the explanation of the Picture : — 

"My Brother, thou seest that my country is of vast extent; 
that it is very fertile in producing grain of all kinds ; that my 
woods and my Rivers supply me abundantly with all sorts of 
wild animals and with fish. Consequently see how well off I 
am etc. I learn with regret that thou art reduced to a small 
area of barren and sterile Land wherein all things necessary 
for thy subsistence are wanting; that this is the cause of thy 
leanness and of the death of thy children whom thou canst not 
rear. But the compassion I feel for thee is greatly increased 
at the sight of that great Dragon with gaping jaws, ready to 
devour thee and whose fury thou canst escape only by prompt 
flight. As I take an interest in everything that concerns thee, 

iThe original home of the Abenaki was in the present district of 
Maine and New Brunswick. — Ed. 

2 For an account of these overtures, see Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, 
pp. 431-436.— Ed. 

3 For an' account of picture writing, see Garrick Mallery's "Picture 
Writing of the North American Indians," in U. S. Bureau of Ethnology 
Report, 1889-90.— Ed. 

[ 192 ] 

1734] French Regime in Wisconsin 

and as I cannot suffer my fellow-man (whose Flesh is dark like 
my own) to perish miserably for want of succor, I offer thee 
my Land; thou wilt find it vast enough to settle in; fertile 
enough to abundantly supply all thy needs and, finally, suffi- 
ciently remote to enable thee to live in safety and far beyond 
lihe reach of thine enemies." 

The Abenakis gave information of this message to their mis- 
sionary,^ and explained it to him quite naturally. The only 
thing respecting which they were lacking in sincerity was in 
giving him to understand that the Dragon represented the 
English alone. The missionary, continuing to rely on the long 
standing attachment of the Abenakis to the French nation, con- 
sidered that he had ample reason for congratulation on seeing 
that the former seemed to enter with pleasure into the project of 
the Answer which he suggested that they should send to the 
Eenards. This was to put the Renard and the Abenakis Vil- 
lages on two sides of a Picture ; at the top of the Picture would 
be a Crucifix from which would issue brilliant rays shedding an 
admirable light over the Abenakis' villages ; and to represent the 
villages of the Penards covered by a black cloud casting dense 
darkness over all their lands. The explanation of the Picture 
would be: — "My Brother, I am very grateful to thee for the 
sentiments of compassion which touch thee at the sight of my 
wretchedness. It is true that I feel it as thou representest it. 
I must, however, confess that if I am not altogether insensible 
to my poverty I, at least, endure it patiently and even with 
joy. I have the happiness of living here with the Frenchman 
who has taught me to know the Author of my Being, and what 
I should fear and hope for after this shorti and miserable life. 
I prefer the advantages of an immortal life to all the Riches 
and pleasures thou offerest me. I cannot better express my 
gratitude to thee than by begging thee to open thine eyes to the 
light that the Frenchman has brought into this country/' etc. 

This proposal was therefore received apparently with 

iThis was Father Joseph Aubrey, for biographical sketch of whom 
see Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, p. 337. — ^Ed. 

1 193 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvh 

applause. Nothing else was thought of except the presents that 
were to be sent in exchange for those that had been sent them, 
and of deputing the persons who were to bear them. All this 
was done, but what has been the result? Have the Abenakis 
rejected the word of the Eenards ? Have the Renards accepted 
tJiat of the Abenakis ? Why lose time in s€)eking to investigate 
this latter point ? The continual hostilities that have been car- 
ried on for many years between the French and the Renards 
show clearly enough that the latter were not touched by the 
word of the Abenakis, even supposing that it had been carried 
to them. But did the Abenakis, after having at first received the 
word of the Renards, reject it afterwards ? The following facts 
will enable a safe judgment to be formed thereom 

Aboiut two years after these messages two thirds of the 
Abenakis nation were on the verge of departure to take refuge 
in the country of the Renards, and this was at the beginning of 
the time when war was about to break out between the Abenakis 
and the Etnglish. When the Missionary learned the plot that 
was secretly formed, he promptly warned the late Monsieur de 
Vaudreuil, then Governor general of this country, who for- 
tunately warded oiif the blow. 'Not five years have elapsed since 
the Abenakis made a second attempt to carry out their original 
design. The Chief of the St Fran(^ois Mission, who was hostile 
to the French, had taken his measures so well that his plans 
would inevitably have succeeded had not God removed him from 
this world by a death as sudden as it was tragic. I know not 
who gave notice to the Court of the Alliance of the Abenakis 
with the Renards ; I know not in what light that alliance was 
represented nor the proofs that were adduced. All that has 
come to my knowledge is, that the Court — which does not act 
without being fully informed — paying no heed to the former 
devotion of the Abenakis to the French people, nor relying in 
any way upon the benefits it had conferred upon that barbarous 
iN'ation to the extent almost of prodigality, has forbidden their 
being employed on the expeditions that are being sent against 
the Renards. 

C A year after the message of the Renards was brought to the 
\ [ 194 ] 

1734] French Regime in Wisconsin 

Abenakis, the Calumet Dance made its appearance. Tlie Calu- 
met was kept hidden for a whole year and not a word was said 
of the Dance. He who had charge of it had reason to fear that 
neither the one nor the other would be well received. He was 
aware that eighteen years previously they had been brought in 
unavailingly under Father Vincent Bigot^ who energetically 
and successfully opposed the reception of that Calumet and of 
that Dance, because he knew everything connected with them. 
It was therefore necessary to choose a favorable time, and this 
was when he found that the late Monsieur de Vaudreuil had 
been informed of all his doings and had administered a severe 
reprimand to him. Then he raised the mask and in order to 
revenge himself and to manifest his resentment, he at last 
brought forth the Calumet and the Dance. When the mission- 
ary of St Fran(^ois, wlio had been a witness of what had occurred 
in Father Bigot's time, saw this Dance suddenly make its 
appearance, he was surprised at its novelty, and heard some 
savages say that Christians could not amuse themselves ivith 
such diversions. He, therefore, carefully inquired into the 
matter and this is what he learned : — 

1st. That this Dance was really a religious ceremony not only 
amongst the Renards but also amongst all the nations of the 
upper country; that it was called the Spirit Dance; that thej 
did not say: ^Mance with the Calumet,'' but "dance in honor 
of the CalumJet;" in other words that it was the God of those 

2nd. That the words used in the song of that Dance are an 
invocation of the Spirit. 

3d. That when the Calumet is smoked in the Councils, a man 
whose wife is pregnant must abstain from smoking it, because 
his wife would not be safely delivered of her child and the latter 
would inevitably die. 

4th. That this Dance is used to call the souls of those against 

iVincent Bigot arrived in Canada in 16S0, and in 1694 founded the 
Abenaki mission at Penlegoet. From 1704-10, he was superior of the 
Canadian missions. Returning to France in 1713, he was made pro- 
curer of these missions, and died in France in 1720. — Ed. 
13 [ 195 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

whom war is to be waged, and by tbis means to kill their 
enemies without fail. 

5th. To conciliate foreign and hostile Nations and make a 
lasting peace with them. 

6th. To obtain fine weather or rain, according to the needs 
of the soil. 

7th. To have favorable winds while navigating. 

8th. Finally, that it is a specific for warding off evil and for 
obtaining benefits of all kinds. 

In consequence of the above statement a missionary asks 
whether he can permit his new Christians to perform the Calu- 
met Dance, as an indifferent matter. And this is how he puts 
his question. Can we permit our new Christians to take part 
in that which, from the words of the song and the features of 
the dance, is a Religious ceremony amongst the idolatrous na- 
tions whence this song and this dance have been brought ? The 
Reasons for doubting this are derived from the nature of the 
thing itself, from the character of the new Christians, from 
the circumstances, and finally from the following considera- 

1st. That this Dance amongst idolatrous nations is used for 
all the purposes above set forth is a fact proved by the testi- 
mony of all the French who have travelled in the upper country; 
all our savages admit it, and I do not think that a single mis- 
sionary doubts it. But that the words of the song are an invoca- 
tion of the Spirit is not easy to prove by a large number of wit- 
nesses, because one must have a thorough knowledge of the 
language of those I^Tations to be able tO' judge of it ; and this is 
what Father Chardon formerly asserted. 

This suHumerr, 1734, the Abenakis asked Monsieur the Mar- 
quis de Beauharnois that they be allowed to perform that 
Dance; they made use of all their eloquence to convince him 
that it was a mere trifle ; but, nevertheless, they admitted to him 
that they looked upon this Dance as a flag, a standard, a symbol. 
They thought they could deceive Monsieur the Governor'a 
wisdom by making use of a word that might escape his pene- 
tration ; but the Answer they received from him convinced them 

[ 196 ] 

French Regime in Wisconsin 

iihat tliey could not easily mislead liim. Therefore let atten- 
tion be paid to the meaning of tlie word flag, standard, symbol. 
Everbody knows tbe Savages well enongli to be aware that they 
are fond of expressing themselves in figurative language and 
that they perfectly understand all the meanings of the words 
which convey some image to their minds. The Abenakis have 
received the Calumet Dance from the Renards; this Calumet 
Dance brings about union and peace between nations; the 
Abenakis wish to retain this flag of the Renards ; therefore they 
wish to live on good terms with the R<enards. If that inference 
be correct, will this one be less so? The Calumet Dance is a 
Eieligious Ceremony amongst the Renards; the Abenakis wish 
to retain this Dance as a flag, a standard, a symbol. The 
Abenakis therefore desire to appear, at least outwardly, to have 
the God of the Renards' Religion. Consequently the Mis- 
sionary was not surprised when — on the Return of the Aben- 
akis from Montreal and on his declaring to the Leader of the 
present Conspiracy that the Christian Religion and this idol- 
atrous Dance could not exist together and that a choice must 
be made between them — he heard the savage reply coldly and 
firmly : "Since these two things are incompatible, the Calumet 
Dance must therefore be retained in preference." 

* * * * ^ * * * 

3d. The levity and inconstancy of the Siavages, their train- 
ing which makes them averse to labor, to control, and to re- 
straint; the love of independence and freedom; dissoluteness 
in the young men; unfaithfulness in marriages; their intem- 
perance and excesses while intoxicated ; all these defects are but 
80 many vices of mankind. The Gospel has infallible remedies 
for repressing them as it effectively represses them in all thd 
other nations of the world. But here is a sin of a special 
nature and which is peculiar to all the Savages; it consists in 
sifting this same Gospel through the Sieve of the Councils. 
Accustomed as they are to hold Councils to deliberate on matters 
of the slightest importance, they do the same with respect to 
the word of God that is announced to them. If they hear the 

[ 197 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. 


Missionary speak of a particular virtue and demonstrate its 
necessity, a Savage will shortly afterward say in his cabin or 
at an assembly, that what has been heard in the church is, in 
truth, very fine but that assuredly God does not ask it of Sav- 
ages. If they hear a strong denunciation of certain vices, 
somebody will soon apply a corrective and say: "Oh! surely 
God will not call us to account for that and will not judge us 
for it; surely God will not damn, a Savage for such a thing." 
The decision is pronounced; an Elder has spoken; the judg- 
ment is final and without appeal. In vain will the Missionary 
thunder in the church and protest that he announces the word 
of God purely and simply ; the opposers, like unto the venerable 
magistrates of our courts who are insensible to the insults of 
the persons against whose suits they have decided, let the mis- 
sionary call out, and will not abandon the opinions they have 


This year^ our Chiefs were dispersed in various directions: 
two went to carry messages to the Aniers,^ another to the Misi- 
sakis. During their absence, our young men supported by their 
partiizans won over the young Chief who remained. They 
persuaded him both by their fine words and by the flattering 
hope that he would be the only Chief in this mission owing to 
the thorough devotion that the young men would have for him. 
The temptation was too great for a Savage to resist. 

The missionary can truthfully assert that of all those who 
are most outspoken in favor of this Dance, some are very disso- 
lute in their morals ; the others have no religion, and not one 
of them is attached to the French. E^en if this Dance had no 
other drawbacks than all the other dances, should it be per- 
mitted under the circumstances ? 


If there were amongst the Christians any upholders of the 
Oalumet dance, they could merely allege the protestation of the 

1 Date on margin of MS., 1734. — Ed. 

2 French appellation for the Mohawk Indians. — Ed. 

[ 198 ] 

L73i] French Regime in Wisconsin 

Savages that they mean no evil. The following facts will 
over-rule this plea: 

1st fact — He who brought the Dance here about fifteen years 
ago, gave it to be understood that its reception would be a pro- 
tection against all the baleful consequences of war, while its 
rejection would result in sure destruction by the enemy. In 
all the attempts that have since been made to establish the Dance 
in this Mission, the following words have been heard a hundred 
times to fall from the lips of the supporters of the Dance : "We 
are dead ; we are being killed ; the only means we have for our 
preservation are taken from us." These words have been heard 
by the missionary, uttered by an Elder in the middle of the 
Village while the people were coming out after mass. 

2nd fact — An Abenakis who is distinguished in his I^ation 
through his exploits and who is the chief upholder of the 
Dance, despairing of being able to establish it at St. Frangois 
through his own credit, withdraws in disgust in the direction 
of la Baye in the upper country. He falls ill and finding him- 
self at death's door, he sends for Father Chardon; he makes 
his confession ; he has not been a Saint but in his present con- 
dition, nothing troubles him more than all he has done to have 
the Dance admitted in St Francois; he acknowledges all the 
evil connected with it and begs his Confessor to inform the 
missionary of St Frangois of his regret for the harm he has 
done in his Mission and that he makes reparation for it as 
best he can at death. 

3rd f act^ — Young men in this Mission who were preparing 
for the Dance have been heard to say to those who warned them 
not to do so : "Why do you wish to prevent us from doing what 
we do ? It is as if w^e took part in the procession of the Blessed 

4lh fact — The Calumet feathers were brought here again 
two years ago. They were distributed secretly amongst all the 
cabins of this Mission to receive them. In every cabin the 
choice fell uj)on the persons who could be relied on. Olie was 
addressed to a newly converted woman from Orange. In vain 
was it represented to her that these feathers had been received 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voixvii 

in all ihe cabins; tliat hers would inevitably be destroyed if 
Bbe took not that feather ; she persisted in saying that when she 
was baptized she renounced all the Savages' superstitions. And 
this good woman, who has not yet attained the age of de- 
crepitude (she may be about 45 years old), when her mis- 
sionary gives her advice, is very well able to reply that her 
cabin is the only one in the Mission where Idolatry is not 

5th fact — The Chief of whom I have spoken and who per- 
ished so miserably 3 or 4 years ago, before going out hunting 
for the last time, placed the Calumet feathers in his niece's 
hands recommending her to keep them very carefully in her 
box as the sole safeguard of the Village, and the infallible 
means of preserving it. The niece obeyed her uncle. Some 
time afterward she fell ill. Seeing that she was about to die, 
she called in her missionary and informed him of the sin she 
had committed by taking charge of so abominable a thing, 
which was looked upon as the protecting Deity of the Village, 

The Calumet Dance being what we have shown it to be ; the 
Christians who have received it being such as we have depicted 
them ; the circumstances needing only some other detailed facts 
to show all its grievousness ; the consequences being inevitable; 
and, finally, the Abenakis retaining this Dance with the same 
views and the same ideas with which it was established or at 
least with which it was performed amongst idolatrous INTations, 
can it be authorized, permitted or tolerated ? 


[Letter of Beauharnois to the Frencli IVIinister, justifying his con- 
nection with the Green Bay fiasco, dated Oct. 5, 1734. MS. in archives 
of Minist^re des Colonies, Paris; press-mark, "Canada, Corresp. g6n., 
vol. 61, c. n, fol. 287."] 

MoNSEiGNEUR — (You do me the honor of informing me by 
your letter of the 20th of April last that his Majesty causes an 
explaaation to be given me, by his despatch to Monsieur Hoo- 



1734] French Regime in Wisconsin 

quart and myself jointly of his intentions Regarding what con- 
cerns each nation. I have seen what His Majesty is pleased 
to point out to me on this Subject, and I venture to assure him 
that this matter has always received my chief attention since 
I have Been in this Colony. You will Observe, Monseigneur, 
by our reply to the King's memorial, the measures that I con- 
tinue to take to restore tranquillity in the upper Country. 

It would have been difficult for me to forestall the events that 
gave rise to the troubles there in connection with the Sakis and 
Renards, and after having had the honor of informing you by 
our joint letter of the 11th of ^November last of what had 
caused the unfortunate affair of la Baye, I would add that it 
should be attributed less to the remnant of the Eenard nation, 
than to the slight precautions observed by the Sieur de Villiera 
on that occasion. What I had had the honor of telling you, 
Monseigneur, in the preceding years, respecting the condition 
to which the Renards were reduced, was authentic ; and there was 
no reason to think that so small a number as those that remained 
and implored mercy on all sides, could cause ,any trouble in 
the upper Country, especially after the assurance I had re- 
ceived, as I had the honor of informing you, that the Re- 
mainder of that Nation, after trying in vain to effect an alli- 
ance with all the other nations, who had refused them, saw no 
other way of saving their lives than by coming and throwing 
themselves on their Father's mercy. !N"evertheless, although 
this information came to me from all sides, and, moreover, 
appearances gave me no reason to suspect anything else, still, 
the inconstancy of the savages and the little reliance that can 
be placed in their promises led me to think of the measures that 
should be taken to prevent the consequences that might result 
from that affair, in the event of the Renards. succeeding in cor- 
rupting some nations, and in finding a refuge among them. 

To that end I had ordered the Sieur de Villiers by special 
instructions to take every proper precaution, through the 
nations that are faithful to us, to bring in the remainder of the 
Renards, or to destroy them if he could not succeed in doing so. 
I had expressly recommended to him before attempting any- 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voLxvh 

thing, to make sure of the Sakis (as being Those who seemed to 
me the most to be suspected) for the success of the undertaking, 
And with that object I had given him a large collar, accomr 
panied by presents and tw^o medals for the two most noted 
ohiefs of that ]^ation,i — a Course that seemed all the more 
suitable since those savages had Until then manifested naught 
but Hostility toward the Renards and had also refused their 
alliance. The precautions that I took were calculated to 
strengthen the resolution they had taken, and to estrange them 
more and more from the Renards. If those measures, Mon- 
seigneur, had been Followed as I had arranged them, I can 
assert that Matters would not have reached such an extremity. 
As far as I w^as concerned, they were the Best measures that I 
could take, and They seemed to me all the more safe since I 
entrusted their execution to an officer who had always displayed 
great prudence in his actions. Monsieur de Villiers's conduct 
<m that occasion gave a different aspect to the affair. That 
officer, who was ordered to act with the most gentle means, and to 
send word to the friendly nations to deliver up the Renards to 
him or to destroy them utterly, began by talking of war at 
Missilimakinac ; and without heeding the commands that had 
been given him, he marched straight to la Baye with thirty 
French and a hundred folles avoines Savages, whom he gathered 
on the way ; and he ordered the Sieur de Repentigny to follow 
him. with thirty French whom he also had with him and a hun- 
dred Outauacs. On approaching the post of la Baye, the Sieur 
de Yilliers left the Sieur de Repentigny with his party half a 
league from the fort of the Sakis with orders to proceed there 
on hearing the signal of three gun-shots ; and after embarking 
in his oanoe to continue his route, he despatched his eldest son 
with ten Frenchmen and fifty savages to the petit Oacalin, a 
place by which the Renards might escape from the Sakis' fort, 
and he kept with Him only sixteen men, whom he divided into 
two parties to blockade the fort. To say nothing of the fact 
that all these manoeuvres were contrary to the orders that he 
had received to adopt only the gentlest measures to secure the 
Subjugation of the Renards, and that for the Carrying out of 

[ 202 ] 


1731]: French ReQ;ime in Wisconsin 


tis design, lie had witli Him but those sixteen men (for the 
savages of his party had asked him to allow them time to hold 
a feast), he acted in this affair with still less prudence and 
circumspection since — in addition to the fact that there was 
no question of coming into conflict with the Sakis or with any 
other nation to secure the Eenards — the Very objection of the 
Sakis at the outset to deliver up the remiainder of that nation, 
and their request to Him not to use violence to get them because 
it was not yet time, should have induced him to have had some 
consideration for the Sakis, and to have attempted to win them 
by means of the presents that I had entrusted to him, especially 
as his forces were not yet assembled. The Sieur de Villiers, 
not heeding all these considerations and guided solely by rash 
Bravery and courage, brought on the misfortune that happened, 
which it was impossible for me to foresee owing to the measures 
that I had taken. He tried to enter the Sakis fort, He being 
the tenth, to force and tear down the barrier, in the hope that 
such boldness would overawe them. Some Chiefs told him to 
withdraw; that their Young men had no longer any sense and 
that if he persisted he would be a dead man. Nothing stopped 
that Officer. A gun-shot Was fired by a Sakis or by a Rienard, 
and killed the son of the Sieur de Villiers who was at his side. 
The Father fired his gun at the first who presented himself, and 
this Was followed by a volley from the warriors of the Village 
and he was killed. I would have had the honor, Monseigneur, 
of giving you these particulars last year in our joint letter on 
the subject of this affair, had I been informed of them. But 
the news only reached me last Summer, and I was all the more 
surprised at it, since the orders I had given to the Sieur de 
Villiers were very different from the manner in which he 
acted. In any case he had engaged in this affair which would, 
in truth, have done honor to the French, had he (although With- 
out orders) employed his forces judiciously. 

You will observe, Monseigneur, in the reply to the King's 
memorial the measures that I have taken to prevent the Conse- 
quences of this affair and to put an end to the same, if possible 
by conciliatory means as far as the Sakis are concerned. I 

[ 203 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voLxvu 

have occasioned as little expense as possible to His Majesty, 
and lie will not be able to hear of the Success of our efforts 
before next year. 

I remain with very profound respect, Monseigneur, Your 
very humble and very obedient servant 

Quebec, October 5th, 1734. Beaijharnois 



[Letter of Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated Oct. 6, 1734. 
Source, same as preceding document, but vol. 61, c. 11, fol. 292.] 

MoNSEiGNEUR — I have received the letter you did me the 
honor of writing to me on the 20th of April last. I noticed 
what you were pleased to tell me respecting the establishment 
of Detroit and the garrison whose increase I had the honor to ask 
of you, which you were pleased to report to His Majesty. You 
will Observe, Monseigneur, by a joint despatch from Monsieur 
hooquart and Myself, the means we are taking to contribute to 
the establishment of that post by the grant of the concessions 
requested by the habitants; and by the care I have taken in 
the selection of the Commandant whom I sent thither. I ac- 
knowledge, Monseigneur, that such precautions may be useful 
for the progress of that settlement, His Majesty's Intention 
being that we should confine ourselves to it for the present. I 
should have nothing to add did not the affair of the Ouyatanons, 
whereon we have the honor to report to you in the memorial to 
the King, show the necessity of having strong garrisons in th« 
posts to protect them against the attacks of the savages to which 
they are exposed, and against which it is always good to be on 
one's guard. This is still more necessary in the case of the 
post of Detroit as it is the entrepot for and the connecting link 
with Louisiana and the other neighboring posts. The return 
of the Ouyatanons and the repentance they have manifested, 
can be attributed solely to their fear of the force sent against 
Them by the Commandant of Detroit. These considerations, 
Monseigneur, and the necessity of having garrisons of sufficient 


1734] French Regime in Wisconsin 

strength to enable the Commandant to make the King's author- 
ity respected, have induced me, every year, to beg you to urge 
His Majesty to order a larger number of troops to be sent to this 
country to enable me to supply garrisons to the posts without 
-weakening below Their present strength the companies stationed 
in the towns. Although I have sent to the posts only the num^ 
ber of soldiers that was strictly necessary, I would nevertheless 
not have taken the liberty of addressing fresh remonstrances to 
you on the subject, had not the reasons that influenced me in 
previous years, seemed to me deserving of more attention, 
especially in our present state of uncertainty as to the course 
our neighbors [the English] may pursue. This matter, Mon- 
seigneur, seems the strictest of the obligations imposed on me 
and, although you have done me the honor of informing me that 
His Majesty could not bring himself to order am additional 
number of troops to be sent, as I had tal^en the liberty of asking, 
I have considered that present circumstances might justify me 
in repeating my request, as the good of his Majesty's service, 
and the welfare of the Colony are at stake. I venture to flatter 
myself, Monseigneur, that you will be pleased to take this into 
consideration, especially after I have had the honor to assure 
jcm that such increase is indispensable for strengthening the 
posts of the upper Country, and retaining the necessary garri- 
sons in the towns. 

I had the honor to inform you last year that, inasmuch as 
the Sieur Peau^ had incurred great expense in proceeding to 
Detroit, That Officer would have been completely ruined had I 
brought him back the same year. At the same time I flattered 
myself, Monseigneur, that His Majesty would appreciate these 
reasons. But, although the Sieur Peau was greatly needed at 

1 Jacques-Hughes P6g,u, Sieur de Livaudi^re, was born in Paris in 
1682, and came to Canada as officer in the king's troops. He was com- 
mandant at Fort Frotenac in 1724, and at Chambly in 1727. After 
his service at Detroit (1732-30), he returned to Quebec, and was made 
town major of Quebec, where he died in 1747. His son was the pecu- 
lator, whose wife was mistress of Bigot, the last intendant of New 
France. — Ed. 

[ 205 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

that post owing to tlie various occurrences tliat had happened 

there and with which he is thoroughly familiar, I will not show 

the same consideration in future and he will be relieved next 

spring. I had made arrangements for this prior to the receipt 

of your orders. However, his service as Town Major has not 

heen injuriously affected thereby. 


I remain with very profound respect, Honseigneur, Your 

very humble and very obedient Servant. 

Quebec, October 6th, 1734. 


[Extracts from the yearly report of Beauharnois and Hocquart, in 
reply to the King's memorial, relating to affairs in the upper country, 
dated Oct. 7, 1734. Source: same as preceding document, but fol. 65.] 



Since the blow Struck by the Sakis and Renards jointly at 
la Baye on the 16th September 1733, and their precipitate 
flight after evacuating their fort, pursued by the Siieur Cou- 
lons de Villiers, the Younger, Those Savages, after Wandering 
about for some time, asked In vain for a refuge among the 
sioux and ayoiiais who refused it to them. The last news that 
the Sieur de Beauharnois has received, shows that they have 
Established themselves in a fort on the River Wapsipinikam,^ 
two or three days' journey below the Oiiiseonsin in the East 
part of the Mississippi, near the riviere aux Boeufs where Fa- 
ther Guignas, a Jesuit Missionary, and the Ereuch Were stopped 
when they Elvacuated the post among the sioux in 1728.^ The 
same news adds that the Sakis have fortified themselves and 
that they have compelled the Benards to build a fort for them- 
selves so as to be separate from them, but nevertheless in their 

iThe present Wapsipinicon River, Iowa. — Ed. 
2 See ante, p. 38.— Ed. 


1734] French Regime in Wisconsin 

neigliborhood. It may be considered from the conduct of the 
Sakis since the affair of la Baye, that they do not intend to 
7 persist in supporting the Eenards, and in undertaking their 
defence; That, on the contrary, they wish to obtain peace and 
pardon for themselves; And the reason we think so is that all 
the Letters from the Officers at the Posts say the same thing, 
which they have heard from Savages Upon whom nevertheless 
we cannot otherwise Rely. The report that may be considered 
the most reliable comes from a very friendly Kepissingue saVage 
who was hunting with them, and who said the same thing to the 
Sieur de Beauhamois. 

The Sieur de Celoron,^ the Commandant at Missilimakinac, 
writes that he has been informed by Poux Savages that the 
sakis regret that they have become mixed up in this unforti;iiiate 
affair of which they openly say the Eenards Were the cause, 
and that they Intend to separate and detach themselves from 
them in order to obtain forgiveness. 

The Sieur Linctot, the Commandant among the sioux, writes 
that the Savages at his Post and a portion of the Puants have 
-^ promised not to abandon him, and that, on the contrary, they 
were ready to attack the Sakis and Eenards. But that officer 
keeps ever On His guard, because from the 30 Cabins of Puanta 
that were at his post, 8 or 10 detached themselves last winter 
to go and join the Sakis, but they have since then returned to 
their Village. 

1 There seem to be no data to determine whether this was the father 
or son. Jean Baptiste Celoron, Sieur de Blainville, was born in Paris 
in 1G64; came to Canada as a lieutenant in the troops, and died in 
Montreal, June, 1735. His son, Pierre Joseph, was born in 1693, and 
was eminent for his services in the Western country. In 1739 he led 
the northern troops against the Chickasaws; from 1742-43, and 
again from 1750-54, he was commandant at Detroit. He commanded 
at Niagara, 1744-46, and at Crown Point, 1747-49. He was probably 
the leader of the famous Ohio expedition of 1749, although possibly 
the commandant was his younger brother, Jean Baptiste. In the 
Seven Years War (1754-63), he was on the staff of the commander-in- 
chief, with the rank of major. In 17G0, he was characterized as "poor 
and brave," and died about 1777. — Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

The Oiitawacs of Missilimakinac came down last Spring to 
the number of thirty two. Their word was to weep for the 
dead and to ask their Father's opinion regarding the affair at 
la Baye. But when the Sieur de Beauhamois discovered that 
they were deputed by their Village to present him with a large 
Black Collar — which Meant that, inasmuch as the French had 
been killed as well as They, it was impossible for them to go 
and avenge their dead unless they had some French with them — 
he replied to them that he would not abandon them, that he 
wished to chastise and take vengeance upon the Sakis and 
Eenards for their treachery; that he would give them aid in 
men and in the necessary munitions to enable them to act with 
us. On receiving this reply, the Outaiiacs went back satisfied 
to Missilimakinac. The Sieur Celeron, who commands there, 
Elncouraged them in the Hope that the Sieur de Beauhamois 
had given them, and they seemed to be disposed to march and 
to strike on the arrival of the Aid that Would be Sent to them. 

The Sieur de Beauhamois had already been Informed by 
the Sieur Pea@ the Commandant at detroit, of the Impatience 
felt by the hurons, the Poutoiiatamis and Outaiiacs at that post 
to see some French arrive for the purpose of attacking the two 
Hostile nations. The Savages at the other posts have asked 
the same thing. Moreover, the bad Impression that would 
have been produced On the Minds of the savages by refusing 
to Send any French, and the dangers to be dreaded in future 
from the N^ations of this continent if the deed committed at la 
Baye remained Unpunished, — All these circumstances, and the 
honor of the French name have determined the Sieur de Beau- 
hamois, after conferring with the Sieur hocquart and the most 
Experienced officers in the Colony, to detach a party of 84 
French, consisting of seven officers and the remainder of Cadets, 
Sergeants, Soldiers and some settlers.^ N'ot Only have the 
officers and Cadets Eagerly volunteered for this Service, but 

1 In a letter dated Oct. 10, 1734, Beauhamois writes: "In the en- 
lire colony there are actually only seven hundred and fifty soldiers, 
one hundred and sixty of whom are in the different posts, and sixty 
with M. Desnoyelles' party." N. Y. Colon. Docs., ix, p. 1040. — Ed. 


i73i] French Regime in Wisconsin 

tte remainder of tlie detaclimeiit have also expressed the great- 
est Willingness, as well as our settled savages (to the number 
of two hundred) who have asked to he allowed to march even 
if no French should go. 

The Sieur de Beauhamois has selected the Sieur de ISToyelles 
to commiand the party. That officer is very Efficienit and is 
greatly loved by the Savages, And he Adds to these qualities a 
Constitution capable of Enduring the fatigues of an Expedition 
which can be undertaken only in a very inclement season, for 
it will be necessary to proceed a very great distance on foot and 
on Snow-shoes. The other officers and the reniainder of the 
detachment are Capable of Following him. 

The Sieur de !N"oyelles left Montreal on the 14th of August 
last with his detachment. He is ordered by his Instructions to 
proceed in the first place to detroit, and there to concert with 
the Sieur Peair, The other officers, and the nations at that post 
regarding the proper action to be taken on arriving at the spot 
whither the Sakis and Eenards have retired ; to direct his route 
by Mssilimakinac or in a straight line overland according to 
Circumstances ; and, in the latter case, he is to agree upon a 
rendezvous with the Sieur de celoron, the Commandant at Mis- 
silimakinac, where the latter may join him with the Savages 
of his Post, and a party of our settled Algonquins And !N"epis- 
singues who have started And who are to proceed to the said 
post by the way of the great Eaver.^ He has also been strongly 
recommended to keep On His guard to Avoid All Ambuscades 
and not to Elxpose his forces except when very necessary. 

The Sieur de Beauhamois should Also inform His Majesty 
that inasmuch as a considerable portion of the Outaiiacs of 
Missilimakinac who are one of the nations most Interested in 
the matter, are of Opinion and they have stated that they would 
like to have the matter settled by conciliatory measures with 
the Sakis upon the latter giving up the Eenards, whom the 
Outawacs look upon as the sole cause of the troubles in the 

iThe route by the Ottawa River and Lake Nipissing, through Geor- 
gian Bay and Lake Huron to Mackinac. — Ed. 

[ 209 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvu 

upper country, Tlie Sieur de IsToyelles lias orders to act accord- 
ingly, and to grant peace to the Sakis if they consent to give 
up ike Renards ; If not to destroy both nations And to let our 
Savages eat them up. 

He will also take at the various posts the officers, cadets and 
Soldiers whom He may need to strengthen His .party and other 
Willing French Voyageurs who may volunteer to serve under 
him on this Expedition. We have reason to believe that there 
will be no lack of these as His Majesty may see by the Account 
we are to give him of what has happened among the Oiiiatanons. 

Such, Monseigneur, are the best and the least expensive meas- 
ures that the Sieur de Beauharnois could take for securing the 
punishment of the Sakis and Eenards, and which he had al- 
ready taken, as being absolutely necessary, before he received 
his Majesty's orders. His Majesty cannot learn of their suc- 
cess before next year. 

With regard to the two Renard chiefs who were at Quebec, 
one died and We have sent the other, named Kiala, an intrepid 
man, to Martinique. We have given notice of it to Messieurs 
de Champigny and d'orgeville. The hurons of Lorette asked 
the Sieur de Beauharnois last winter for The wife of the latter 
savage and they adopted her. Her quiet conduct had Led them 
to believe that there was no risk in letting her go with other 
huron women to the ^N'eighborhood of Lake St Peter^ to gather 
maiden-hair Ferns. The woman escaped, and the Sieur de 
Beauharnois has given the necessary orders for her recapture. 
If she can be caught we shall Send her to the Islands on the first 

The Sieur de Beauharnois Also Sent the Sieur de Joncaire, 
the Elder, to the cholianons to continue to Watch their actions 
and to Maintain them in the favorable dispositions that they 
Felt in previous years. We have received no news concerning 
them that can lead us to suspect their faithfulness. That officer 
is charged with the duty of maintaining them in it and of In- 
ducing them to form a Village with the Miamis or hurons so 

lAn enlargement of the River St. Lawrence, above the town of Three 
Rivers. — Ed. 



French Regime in Wisconsin 

as to keep them away from the snares that the English might 
set for them. 

The Sieur de N"ojenes has faithfully Performed the task 
with which the Sieur de Beauharnois had entrusted him of once 
more gathering the scattered Mi amis in their Village. They 
Are there at present, And the Sieur Damaud^ who commands 

e post, has excellently seconded him in this matter. 

An event occurred in the Village of the Oiiiatanons, where 

e Sieur de V Epernanche^ commands, which at first gave 
rise to considerable disorder. Two young men — one a French- 
man, the other a Savage, fought together. The Frenchman had 
the advantage. The Savage went for his comrades who as- 
sembled tumultuously, struck some blows with their knives, 
and pillaged all the French at the Post, without however any 
murder being committed. The Sieur de L'Elpemanche who 
was 2 or 3 arpents from there, was informed of it, but he 
was unable to remedy the matter, and when he saw that he was 
not in a Position to Overawe the savages, he Sent Expresses to 
the Sieur Peau, the commandant at Detroit, to inform him of 
what was happening and to ask for assistance. Oil the arrival 
of these Expresses, the Sieur Peau assembled the French of 
detroit, who all asked to be allowed to go and obtain satisfac- 
tion for this Insult. There were one hundred and Twenty of 
them. One hundred and fifteen hurons joined them with a 
large number of outawacs. The Sieur Darnaud who was then 
at detroit whither he had come for Supplies, was given the 
Command of the party which consisted of 324 men when it 
reached the Miamis. But as he was preparing to proceed to 
the ouiatanons with his detachment He received a Letter from 
the Sieur de L'Epernanche informing him that everything was 

1 Nicolas-Marie Renaiid (d'Arnaud) Davenne, Sieur de Desmeloises, 
was bom in 1696, the son of a wealthy Montreal merchant, who had 
many dealings with the coureiirs de bois at Mackinac. In 1722 he 
married Angelique Chartier, daughter of Lotbini^re. In 1742 he was 
in command at Fort Frontenac, and died the following year. — Ed. 

zFrangois de I'Espervanche, Sieur de Villemure, a cadet in the troops. 
He also served under Jumonville in 1748. — ^Ed, 

14 [211] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voixvu 

amicably settled; That he had smoked with the Oniatanon 
Chiefs And that the young men had given back to the French 
the things they had Pillaged from them ; That these same chiefs 
had assured him that they bound themselves to restore to the 
French whatever might be wanting in what their young men 
had taken ; That, at the same time, he was no longer in need of 
the assistance that he had asked of the Sieur Peau And that 
all was Quiet at His post. On receiving this Letter the Sieur 
Damaud resolved to remain among the Mi amis where He was 
in command and he sent back the Sieur Duburon with the 
French and Savages of detroit. 

This action has had a very good Effect upon the nations 
which It has inspired with Dread and leads to the belief that 
they will in future restrain themselves much more than they 
have hitherto done. 

The Sioux have not yet come down and it seems as if they 
will not do so before next year. 


The Sieur de Beauhamois was informed only by His Maj- 
esty's memorial of the expedition of the 1,000 Chactas whom 
Monsieur de Bienville was to send on The sixteenth September 
1Y33 against the Chicachas, And that he was to put at their 
head the Sieur Lesueur, a Lieutenant,^ with two Ensigns and a 
detachment of 35 soldiers. Thus it was impossible for the 
Sieur de Beauharnois to concert with the Sieur Bienville to 
set in motion at the same time some nations of this colony to 
harass the chicachas. Moreover, The affair of la Baye has 
become the sole object of all our Savages' attention. IN'ever- 
theless. If It should be brought to a conclusion by the concil- 
iatory means that we have reported to his majesty. The Sieur 
de Beauhamois will Urge the Savages of detroit and the other 
nations of the Lakes to continue to harass the Chicachas. They 

iTHis was probably a son of the explorer, Pierre Charles Le Sueur 
(for whom see Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, p. 173). He settled in Louisiana, 
and had several children. Le Sueur, the younger, is called "the Cana- 
dian." He led the Choctaw aganist the Natchez in 1730. — Ed. 

[ 212 ] 

1734] French Regime in Wisconsin 

are all disposed to do so and they would have started to go 
there had it not been for the affair of the Sakis. 

The Sieur Dartagnet/ the commandant among the Illinois, 
informed the Sienr de Beauharnois that his savages have greatly 
changed in their disposition since Monsieur Bienville has sent 
one hundred men to Garrison that post ; That those savages have 
become much more submissive and docile And Finally that a 
party of two hundred Warriors of that nation have gone down 
to attack the Chicachas. He adds that it is a month's journey 
and we do not yet know the Success of that Expedition. 


We have JN'otified Madame de la Chaesaigne and the widow 
of the Sieur de Villiers of the pensions that His Majesty has 
been pleased to grant them. 

We Remain with very profound respect, Monseigneur, Your 
very humble and very obedient Servants, 


Quebec, October 7th, 1734. HoCQUART 


[Extract of a letter from Beauharnois to the French Minister, 
dated Oct. 7, 1734. Source, same as preceding document, but vol. 61, 
c. 11, fol. 2?9.] 

Monseigneur — 

The Sieur Darnaud, Commandant in the Miamis country, 
wrote me in the month of June last that the savages had given 
him their word to attack the Sakis and Eenards on the first 
order they should receive from their Father, but, as they 
thought such order would come only very late. All the Miamis, 

1 Pierre d'^Artaguette, son or younger brother of Diron d'Artaguetie, 
was appointed commissary of Louisiana in 1708. Pierre being sent to 
command at Fort Chartres in 1733, perished at the hands of the 
Indians in 1736 while leading the ill-fated expedition against the 
Chickasaw. — Ed. 

[ 213 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvu 

with, the exception of six old men, had gone on the war-path 

against the Chicachas, and that they hoped to return soon 

enough to carry out their Father's Intentions. The Ouyatanons 

and other ISTations of this continent are all disposed to march 

against the Chicachas, and a number of hands would have set 

out had not the affair that happened at la Baye kept them all 

in suspense owing to their uncertainty regarding the orders I 

shall have to give to avenge the treachery of the Sakis, whereon 

I have the honor to report to you in the reply to the King's 



I remain with very profound respect, Monseigneur, Your 
very humble and very obedient servant. 


Quebec, October 10th, 1734. 


[M.S. in archives of Minist^re des Colonies, Paris; "Collection 
Moreau-St. M§ry, vol. 10, f. 12, 219."] 

Charles, Marquis de Beauharnois, Commander of the mili- 
tary order of St. Louis, Governor and lieutenant-general for the 
King In new France and in the Province of Louisiana. 

Gilles Hocquart, Chevalier, Councillor of the King in his 
councils, Intendant of justice, police and finance in the said 

With regard to the information given us that the Traders 
of fort Ponchartrain, of detroit and of Missilimakina, Under 
pretext of securing their Credits for the loans they make to 
the Savages, take from the said Savages as security English 
Brandy and goods, which tends directly to favor foreign Trade, 
and to ruin that of the Colony And, in particular, the trade of 
those two posts, contrary to the provisions contained in the 
declarations and ordinances of the King rendered on the Sub- 
ject of foreign Trade: It Being Necessary to remedy the 
fiame. We forbid all private traders at detroit and at Mis- 




1735] French Regime in Wisconsin 

silimakinac to receive from the Savages Any English Brandy 

or Goods as security for any loans they may make to them, on 

penalty of being deemed to have carried on foreign trade, and 

as such, punished by the confiscation of the said Brandy and 

goods in favor of the informers and of the persons Seizing the 

same, and of being further condemned to a fine of five hundred 

livres. We order the Officers commanding the said posts 

to have searches, perquisitions, and Seizures effected by such 

persons as they may select, of such foreign Brandy and goods, 

and to have minutes thereof drawn up' and Sent to us, that 

Monsieur The Intendant may order the confiscation of the said 

Brandy and goods. And the fine If there be occasion therefor. 

Done at Quebec the Twenty third of August, one thousand 

Seven hundred and thirty five. 





[Extract from a letter of Father Luc Frangois Nau, Jesuit mission- 
ary at the Iroquois mission of Sault St. Louis, dated at that place 
Oct. 2, 1735. In Jes. Reh, Ixviii, pp. 275-277.] 

The Iroquois of Sault St. Louis are looked upon as the most 
Warlike of all the american tribes ; but this is no proof of their 
Valor. Their mode of warfare is but stratagem and surprise. 
Their encounters are mere attempts at assassination. They 
fight bravely then only when they know that the sole alternative 
lies between victory or death. Our people have a war on their 
hands this long time with A Savage tribe called the renards. 
It has been in a very slight degree successful through the im- 
possibility in which our troops are of ever overtaking Them in 
suffi^cient numbers to destroy Them. Last year ninety of our 
young men joined the french expedition against the renards; 
but after inconceivable hardships and a journey of more than 
seven hundred leagues. Their guides led them astray, and they 

[ 215 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

were obliged to make their way back without having caught 
sight of The enemy save in one instance. A party of twenty- 
three savages, nearly all of our mission, and seven frenchmen 
had somehow become separated from The main body when they 
found themselves suddenly surrounded by a war party of two 
hundred renards. Our men would have been destroyed, had it 
not been for The resolution of the Iroquois Captain. "We are 
all dead men," he said, "if we surrender. There is no help 
for it; we have to sell our lives as dearly as we can. Let us 
show these renards that we are Iroquois and frenchmen.'* 
Whereupon he led his Warriors to the attack. The enemy 
could not withstand the first onslaught, but retreated precipi- 
tately to their fort. Thirty renards were laid low and ten 
taken prisoners; our party lost but two frenchmen and one 

[Letter of Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated Oct. Q, 1735. 
MS. in archives of Ministfire des Colonies, Paris; press-mark, "Canada, 
Corresp. g6n., vol. 63, c. 11, fol. 226."] 

MoNSEiGNEUR — I havo received the letter that you did me 
the honor of writing to me on the 19th of April last. I had 
the honor of informing you by my despatch of the 17tli of June 
last (which I sent via Flsle Eoyalle), of what had happened 
during the Sieur de JsToyelle's Campaign, and of the conduct 
of the hurons and Poutouatamis of Detroit. I Append hereto 
a detailed journal sent me by that Officer in which you will 
see, Monseigneur, that the slight success obtained by this expe- 
dition (which was entirely due to the manoeuvres of the 
Savages) is confined to the promise given by the Sakis to the 
Sieur de !N'oyelle to separate from the Kenards and to return to 
la Baye, in accordance with the word that I sent them to forget 
the unfortunate affair that had occurred there. This, Mon- 
seigneur, was the most suitable step that the Sieur de !N"oyelle 
could take in the situation in which his party found itseK when 
it reached the Renards. Had this affair been carried out as it 
had been planned, there is no doubt that they would have sue- 


1735] French Regime in Wisconsin 

oeeded in totally destroying them. The success of the meas- 
ures I had taken for inflicting the punishment they deserve 
seemed certain but, in addition to the fact that the Savages of 
the party completely refused to obey, the Outawacs of Missili- 
makinac — who were to Join the Sieur de l!Toyelle under the 
Command of the Sieur de Celoron to whom I had sent orders 
fECCordingly with a convoy of Thirty ISTipissingues and Algon- 
fkins to Join the French and Outawacs, and who had, more- 
('over, come expressly to ask me to avenge the blow struck by the 
Sakis and Eenards at la Baye- — completely changed their minds 
when they returned home, and told the Sieur de Celoron that 
they did not wish to war against the Sakis, whom they looked 
upon as their brothers; that their thoughts were not as They 
had told me ; and finally that they were of opinion that the Sakis 
should be granted their lives on condition that they would in- 
duce the Eenards to come and place themselves at the mercy of 
their Father as They had promised Him; that they begged 
him to forgive the Sakis; that for Their part they wished to 
Live in peace and to hunt for the subsistence of their wives and 
Children. This Unexpected change in the Savages, and the 
conduct of Those who went with the Sieur de !N"oyelle proves 
how little reliance can be placed on minds so variable and so 
wanting in docility. 

The ardor they displayed at first and the particular interest 
that the Outawacs took in the affair of la Baye, were motives 
that seemed powerful enough to prevent any change taking place 
in these savages ; but I have found by experience that it is diffi- 
cult to bring any matter to a conclusion when the bands of Sav- 
ages are superior in number to the French. This Drawback, 
Monseigneur, and the Insubordination of the Savages of the 
party that followed the Sieur de Noyelle against the Eenards, 
compelled that officer to have recourse to conciliatory means 
with the Sakis, as he was not strong enough to subdue them, 
and he had no Provisions. iSTevertheless liis attitude after com- 
pelling the Sakis and Eenards to retire into their fort, and the 
words that he said to the former on my behalf respecting the 
pardon that I granted them on condition that they separated 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

from the Renards, did not betray the evil plight in which He 
was, nor that his forces were Inferior to Theirs. The Sakis, 
after firing some shots asked for a suspension of hostilities, and 
received with much satisfaction the word that I sent them that I 
was willing to forgive them provided they separated from the 
Kenards and returned to la Baye. They replied that they could 
not start at once owing to their wounded, hut they promised to 
proceed to the Place indicated to them by their Father as soon 
as they could separate from the Renards, who, on the other 
hand, threatened to eat up their women and Children if they 
left the fort. The last news is to the effect that a party of 400 
Missouris and Kanses^ had attacked the Sakis and Renards, 
after the Sieur de N^oyelle's withdrawal, but that when the lat- 
ter left the fort in which They were, the former pursued Them 
into The prairies where They did not venture to attack them, 
and they returned without doing anything. It is also stated 
that the Sakis had taken advantage of their defeat by the Mis- 
souris to separate from the Renards; that Thirty had with- 
drawn to the River St Joseph, and the remainder to their former 
Village at la Baye. This news was brought me by five of our 
settled hurons who, after the Sieur de JsToyelle's retreat, went 
among the Chicachas from whom They took two Scalps as well 
as one from a Renard. It is true that this news may require 
confirmation as it comes from Savages who often disseminate 
false reports, but" the Interest that the Sakis have in separating 
from a nation harassed by all the others in general, and Against 
whom the hatchet of all the Savages is lifted, will not make them 
hesitate, I think, to accept the proposal made to them on my be- 
half by the Sieur de I^oyelle, which they appeared to receive 
with much satisfaction. As to the Renards it is not known 

iThe Missouri and Kansas Indians were tribes of the great Siouan 
stock, living and hunting upon the rivers to which their names have 
been given. The former were powerful and numerous, when the 
French first encountered them; but by the beginning of the 19th cen- 
tury were so reduced by smallpox and the Sauk and Fox wars that they 
had been obliged to unite with the Oto, by whom they were treated 
as inferiors. — -En, 

[ 218 ] 


1735] French Regime in Wisconsin 


what decision Thej have taken nor the place thej have selected 
for their retreat. It is certain that they can find no asylum 
among any nation, either in the Mississipi country or in this. 
The Ayowais to whom They looked for help have taken a scalp 
from them. Thus There is reason to presume that when left 
to the mercy of all the Savages, this nation will he completely 
exterminated without its being necessary to incur any other 
expense than that occasioned by the Parties sent against those 
Savages, which were absolutely needed to make the French name 
respected among the savages.. Though the expedition of the 
Sieur de ^oyelle has not succeeded for the reasons that I have 
had the honor of explaining to you, his brilliant action has pro- 
duced a very good effect on the minds of the savages who admit 
that .the courage of the French is able to overcome every obstacle, 
and that they would seek the enemy at the extremity of the 
world. Moreover if the Sakis have separated from the Renards 
and are at la Baye and the Elver St Joseph, as we have Reason 
to believe, this is what the Sieur de ISToyelle had orders to carry 
out, and it is in accordance with what you did me the honor of 
writing to me to employ conciliatory means if possible to induce 
them to leave the Renards. Had he been compelled to use force, 
it would have been all the more dangerous that there seems to 
be no reason to doubt that the alliance of the Sakis with the 
majority of the savages of the Upper Country would have 
kindled a war that would have been difficult to stop, and that 
would have greatly disturbed trade at the posts, and have caused 
great injury to the Colony. 

Such, Monseigneur, is all the information that I can give 
you respecting the Sieur de ISToyelle's expedition. I hope next 
year to be in a position to tell you of the various attacks that 
will be made against the remnant of the Renards both by the 
nations of the Mississipi and by the Savages of tbis Country. I 
have urged them all to do so and They seem disposed to extermi- 
nate the race. I shall take care to reward the Chiefs of the 
bands that may go there by honorable presents which, neverthe- 
less, will not be costly. But whose value I shall cause to be 
appreciated, and which will stimulate the ardor and emulation 


Wisconsin Historical Collections 

[vol. xvii 

of all. This, Monseigneur, is at present tlie only means to be 
adopted to utterly destroy tbis nation which, from all appear- 
ances, is now wandering about and cannot cause much trouble 
to the posts of the upper Country owing to its dread of all the 
other nations. 

I have observed, Monseigneur, what His Majesty is pleased 
to write me in the King's memorial with regard to the Chicachas. 
I have received no letter this year from Monsieur de Bienville, 
but Monsieur Dartaguiette has written me that the Pianguichias 
have brought in ten slaves of that nation, two men's Scalps and 
one of a woman ; that the Chactas had taken 295 men's scalps 
without counting the Slaves ; and that several nations had gone 
to attack Them. He adds that the !N'atchez have separated from 
Them, for Fear that they might surrender them to the French • 
to secure peace; that one half Lad gone to Carolina and The 
other to Louischitas.^ His Majesty may rest assured that I 
shall, as far as may be in My power, urge the nations of this 
country to harass the Chicachas, and to unite with those of the 
Mississipi. I have had the honor of informing you, Mon- 
seigneur, in one of my despatches that forty or Fifty of our 
Settled Iroquois had gone thither. The Hurons who abandoned 
the Sieur De !N'oyelles and who set out to Join him when they 
recognized their error, were also to go and attack that nation. 
The Miamis and the Ouyatanons have also raised some bands, 
And as the destruction of the remnant of the Renards will not 
be the sole object of the savages, especially if the news of the 
Sakis' Return be true, I shall continue to incite the Savages to 
create a diversion and to attack both the Chicachas and the 

1 After the unfortunate affair with the Natchez at Fort Rosalie in 
1729, and the punishment inflicted on that nation by Perier in 1731, 
the remainder of the Natchez took refuge with the Chickasaw, upon 
whom the French began a war lasting several years, as disastrous 
for Louisiana as the Fox wars were for Upper Canada. The Choctaw 
acted as French allies, but in a half-hearted fashion, little to be de- 
pended upon. Louischita or Ouischilas was the Washita or Black 
River of Louisiana, where the Natchez fortified themselves near the 
present Trinity, Catahoula Parish, La. — Ed. 

[ 220 ] 

1735] French Reg-ime in Wisconsin 

Benards. Moreover the small number that remains of the lat- 
ter cannot occupy the attention of all of them for very long. 

The Poutewatamis have avenged the blow struck at Them by 
the Outawacs of Saginau.^ They had met five of Them, but 
They sent back the two others whom They told to say to their Na- 
tion that they were avenged as they had returned blow for blow. 
The Outawacs sent me a word to beg me to restore peace between 
them and to say that they would abide by what I told them. 
I therefore gave orders to the Commandants of those places to 
completely quiet the matter. I do not think that it will have 
any other Consequences, for these two JSTations seem to be mu- 
tually satisfied, and moreover that is the way in which the 
Savages put an end to their disputes. 

I have received, Monseigneur, the Twenty four Medals that 
His Majesty has been pleased to give orders to send me. I 
yenture to assure you that I shall comply with what he pre- 
scribes in connection with the manner in which I am to dis- 
tribute them and that I shall give tliem only to the Chiefs of 
bands who will have deserved them by important services. 

I Remain with very profound respect, Monseigneur, Your 
very humble and very obedient Servant, 


Quebec, October 9th, 1735. 

[Enclosure in the above. Source, same as preceding document, but 
fol. 236.] 

Copy of the Belaiibn of the Journey of the Sieur de Noyelle 
Commanding the War-Party against the Benards and Sakis, 
sent to Monsieur the Marquis de Beauharnois, 

MoNsiEUK — As I have already reported my march to you 
from the time of my departure Until my arrival among the 
Ouyatanons,' I have the honor to send You the account of what 

1 Saginaw Bay, Mich. — ^Ed. 

2 For the French post among the Ouiatanon see ante, p. 131. — Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

occurred after the 2nd of January, when I left that place, Down 
to the present date, the 23rd of April. 

When I arrived among the Guyatanons, I went to see several 
Kikapous who were Six Leagues from there, and asked them 
where the Benards might be found. They replied, laying a red 
calumet at my feet: ''They are in that direction'^ (turning 
round) ; That if I wished to obtain more positive Information 
about them I had only to go to Masanne ; that I would find their 
principal village there and their People knew where the- 
Renards dwelt. When I went to Them they told me that the 
Renards were not far away and that they would take me to them. 
This, Monsieur, was at the time when the Hurons and Iroquois 
began to give me Trouble notwithstanding all my complaisance 
toward Them, and all the promises they had made me to listen 
to your word of which I was the bearer. They told me that they 
wanted to go and eat up six cabins of Sakis who had taken- 
refuge at the River St Joseph. I gave them to understand that 
your intention. Monsieur, was not to strike the Sakis if they 
asked for their lives, and if they wished to unite with Us by 
delivering up the Renards; that most of the x^ations who are 
allied with them had asked us for their pardon on that condi- 
tion; That if they went to Kill People who had taken refuge 
among the French in order not to be included in the number 
of the Rebels, it would have a very bad effect in the upper Coun- 
tries, and would deprive all the ^N'ations of the confidence that 
they have in Us. All these discourses, Monsieur, were of no- 
avail. Seventy Hurons started with ten Pouteoliatamis of De- 
troit, saying to me that they wished to eat up those six cabins. 
I know not what they have done in connection with this. You 
Perceive, Monsieur, how this Action weakened our forces. 

I found among the Kikapous a Missoury chief who was about 
to return. I presented him with gifts and recommended Him 
to inform his ^N'ation of our march. I gave Him a letter for 
the Commandant of the post, in which I begged him to urge the 
Savages of his post to march and join me, and to forward 
another letter that I wrote to Monsieur Dartaguiette whom I 

[ 222 ] 

J735] French Regime in Wisconsin 


ad already informed of my march When I left the Ouyatanons. 
I had resolved, Monsieur, after holding a Council with the 
French and the savages, to pass by the Ilinois as I had received 
no news from Monsieur de Celoron, although this took me a 
good deal out of my way. But having been detained by the 
ice for 22 Days; being moreover without Provisions And unable 
to obtain any from anywhere, I was compelled to take the route 
that I followed. When I left the Kikapous, I detached the 
Sieurs de la Perade and St Ours^ with several Iroquois and 
Kikapous to reconnoitre. They caputred five Sakis (one of 
whom was a chief). There was a Eenard with Them who 
•escaped. They ran after Him, calling out in the Ilinois tongue 
so that he might say in his village that he had been pursued by 
Ilinois. The Prisoners told me that they were proceeding to 
the Kiver St Joseph to speak to their People and ascertain 
whether it was true that their Father Onontio intended to grant 
them their lives ; that they had been assured of this by a ISTepis- 
sing with the Chat blanc," their chief, who had come to Them 
and had gono to the Scioux to ask Monsieur de St Pierre^ 
'whether They could trust that news. They told me that the 
Eonards were no longer at la Pomme de Cigne and that they 
had withdravv-n to the Kiviere sans fourche.'' I have the honor 

1 Charles Frangois Xavier Tarieu, Sieur de la Perade, de la Nau- 
di6re, was born in 1710. In 1743 he married Genevieve Deschampp, 
daughter of Boishebert. He was ensign, 1724-41; lieutenant, 1742; 
captain, 1750. In 1747 he commanded at the Ouiatanon post, and served 
at the siege of Quebec in 1759. He went to France after the capitu- 
lation of Quebec; but returned in 1763, and was a member of the 
first legislative council under English domination in 1775, dying the 
•same year. One of his sons was killed in the battle of Monongahela, 
1755. St. Ours was either a son or nephew of Deschaillons, ensign 
in 1733, lieutenant in 1744, and captain in 1748. If the son of Des- 
chaillons, he was later the brother-in-law of Perade, marrying Char- 
lotte Deschamps in 1745. — Ed. 

2 For account of this noted chief who lived at St. Joseph, and his 
embassy to the Illinois, see iris. Hist. Colls., xvi, pp. 448, 453-463. — Ed. 

3 St. Pierre was commandant of Fort Beauharnois, 1734-37. — Ed. 

4 La Pomme de Cigne, or "swan-apple," is the French form of the 
Indian name for the Wapsipinicon River, so called from a species of 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvu 

to assure you, Monsieur, that without the Prisoners, we should 
never have seen the Renards, because none of our savages knew 
what part of the Country They were in, And because the Kickar 
pons their allies who had Followed me to the number of 40 had 
caused Us to lengthen our journey so that we had our backs 
turned to them. Our Savages perceived this and warned me. 
I caused the Prisoners to be told that if they did not lead me 
straight to the Renards, I would have them tied to the Stake to 
be burned. 

We crossed the Mississipy. I told the Iroquois that we must 
procure provisions. The Prisoners thought the same because 
the Buffalo were moving away and we ran the risk of under- 
going a long fast. Our savages would not load themselves with 
dried meat so that they might advance better, for they thought 
that they were close to the Enemy. On the following day, we 
began to take only one meal per Day — and a very inferior one at 
that. On the 12th of March, we reached the Renards' fort 
where we found ISTobody, and we were kept there by the intense 
cold without any food for two Days. I sent out a reconnoiter- 
ing party who reported that they had seen four recent Camping- 
grounds and had followed the tracks. Two Days afterward 
They came to tell me that they had seen smoke. I sent them 
back to make sure that they had not been deceived. They 
assured me that the Report was true. We marched during a 
portion of the night and crossed several Rivers with the Water 
Up to our Waists. We stationed ourselves behind a hill while 
waiting for Daylight, wrapped up in our robes, greatly fatigued, 
wet through, and very hungry. At Daybreak we reached a 
Wood bordering on a River. The Savages who wished to have 
the glory of arriving first and of attacking these four Cabins 

roots that grow plentifully on its banks. The "river without a fork" 
(Riviere sans fourche) is the Des Moines, as is evident from the suc- 
ceeding document. This river called the Moingona, from an Indian 
tribe of that name found near it by the explorers of the 17th century, 
is prominent on early maps, where it is laid down with a straight 
course, without affluents, and frequently identified with Lahontan's 
"Riviere Longue." — Ed. 



1735] French Regime in Wisconsin 

inade Us run four or five Leagues as fast as we could. They 
were greatly surprised on seeing 55 cabins on the other side of 
a very wide and rapid River full of floating ice. The son of 
Kontagarouche, the war-Chief of the Lake of two Mountains 
told me that we must All swim across. I replied that this was 
imprudent And that it was Impossible to cross such a River 
while the cold was so great ; That Many of the French and even 
of their own People might be unable to swim and moreover that 
they would wet their arms and ammunition; That as only 60 
men of ours, both French and Savages, had arrived, for All 
Their people were scattered on all sides thinking they would 
find only these four cabins whose tracks we had followed, it 
would be more advisable (as we had not yet been discovered) to 
reassemble and go higher up where we would construct Rafts 
at the most suitable point for crossing, And then we should be in 
a position to attack the Enemy with our arms in our hands; 
While, by following his Advice, the Enemies would be able to 
kill us as fast as we Landed, even supposing that we should be 
able to cross. He replied that I was not a man. I could not, 
Monsieur, restrain my anger nor help saying to Him : "Dog If 
thou art so brave, swim over and let us See what Thou wilt do." 
He did not answer me. I requested him to send some of his 
People to meet Those who were left behind. All was in vain. 
He left me with several French who were with Me and he took 
away his band consisting of about 40 men. When we had 
marched nearly a league we heard Death-cries and we saw one 
of our Savages who made signs to us that our People were 
fighting. We ran toward this man as fast as we could and he 
told us that one of our French was wounded. I followed the 
tracks of my people to gather them together. I found several 
who were crossing the River at its greatest width by means of 
a jam of drift-wood and of two large logs that the Renards had 
arranged to enable them to cross and re-cross the River when 
they went to hunt. We passed over the River like the others 
and went to the Cabins where we found iN'obody as The Enemy 
had withdrawn to place their women and Children in safety. 

[ 225 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvu 

Seven French and 23 Savages who were the first to arrive found 
themselves face to face with the Enemy. A Savage chief from 
Sault St Louis, named Onorakingniak, called out: "My French 
and Indian brothers, we are dead men, but we must sell our 
lives very' dearly and not let ourselves be captured." They 
fought so fiercely that they pushed the Enemy back into the 
Wood where They had taken refuge. When the latter saw only 
80 men. They retraced their steps and tried to surround them 
so as to take them prisoners. Our people perceived this and 
fell back, fighting all the time. On this occasion the Sieur de 
Croisille^ received the wound from which He died. When I 
arrived with the Sieurs de Lignery, Chevalier de Chaillon and 
Chabert,^ a chief from the Lake of two Mountains, several of us 
French and Savages, marched upon the Enemy to surround 
them. One of the 30 men came to report their situation to us. 
I at once sent All Who were with Me to their assistance, and 
told them that I would join them as soon as the main body of 
the party which I expected should arrive. I started about half 
an hour afterward with the Sieurs de la Perade and St Ours, 
several French and savages. I dispersed Those who were with 
Me, some to the right and some to the left, to attack the Enemy. 
Oti my side I surrounded seven against whom two shots were 
fired. I learned at that time that the Sieur Chabert was mor- 
tally wounded. About two hours afterward they called out to 
me that the Enemy were going toward the Wounded to scalp 
them and this was where the Reserve body was posted. This 
compelled me to decide to tell our People, as night was approach- 
ing, to fall back and seek a place where we could fortify our- 
selves, secure protection for the wounded, and defend ourselves 
against the Enemy who were Superior in numbers and quite 
fresh. I feared with reason, that the Kikapous might side' 
with the stronger, for I saw them On an Eminence and they 

1 Sieur de Croissele was a nephew of Pierre le Gardeur de Re- 
pentigny, the elder, and cousin of the one who was killed at La Baye 
in 1733.— Ed. 

2 A relative of De Joncaire, for whom see ante, p. 118. — Ed. 




1735] French Regime in Wisconsin 

looked upon us as beaten. It was very difficult for us to fortify 
ourselves on a prairie, as the Enemy had seized the Only Island 
at that place on which their women and Children had made a 
fort while they were fighting. Through lack of wood, I was 
obliged to divide my people into two bands, and while I was 
endeavoring to fortify myself I detached 50 men both French 
and savages to fire on the Enemies' fort and keep them from 
attacking us, while we worked. 

On the Following morning the Iroquois asked me to go to 
Them to hold a Council respecting what was to be done. I went 
without any hesitation to see them. They told me that they had 
with Them a Savage who could speak every language (this was 
one Beauvais, a half breed residing at Sault St Louis) who 
had conversed throughout the night with the Sakis Chief and 
with one of the Renards who had been captured in the fight. 
As soon as I arrived I saw a Kikapous who had married among 
the Eenards, enter with a white flag; he said that we had 
called out to them to come, and that he came to see what was 
wanted and to listen. I said everything I could to Him to 
induce the Sakis to abandon the Eenards and return to la Baye. 
He replied that if we really meant what we said we should give 
up one of their people who was a prisoner. The Iroquois told 
me that we must send their Chief back to them and that this 
would induce them to come out of their fort and to abandon the 
Eenards. I consented and this Same Chief returned with 
presents and porcelain beads and informed me that if we had 
not attacked Them and if our party consisted solely of French 
they would not have hesitated to surrender, but that, as the 
French were not Superior in numbers to the Iroquois to be able 
to control them, They had every reason to fear that when they 
were separated from the Eenards and at a distance, the Iro- 
quois would put them in the Kettle; That nevertheless on the 
word of the French They would come out whenever we liked. I 
said to Him: '^Thou may est come forth in the Daytime and 
fear nothing, because if the Iroquois wished to act treacherously 
toward thee, I would oppose it and although we are but few they 

15 [227] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

would not play with Us." He represented to me that it waa 
very late, that the women and Children had not had time to 
camp, and that it was too cold. On the following day the 
other Sakis Chiefs sent me word that they conld not come out, 
because the Eenards had said to them: "Dogs that ye are, if 
yon abandon us, we will eat your women and Children as soon as 
you have gone out. We will then fight against you and after- 
ward against the French." 

The Sakis sent me a Young saulteur with two of his Sisters, 
and an Ilinois woman whom they had captured last autumn; 
and I sent them in exchange a Young Saki whom I had with 

For four Days, Monsieur, our Party had had nothing to eat 
but 12 Dogs and a Horse that was killed at night near the 
Renards' fort. Several Soldiers were obliged to eat their 
mocassins. They All asked me to lead them to the assault. 
When I saw that we were suffering from hunger and had no 
hope of obtaining provisions, I proposed to the Iroquois to send 
some of their People to hunt for our subsistence and enable us 
to attack the Enemy again. They replied bluster ingly (as you 
will see) that we must Fast and work four or five Days more. 
They afterward asked me to let them go away. I can positively 
assure you. Monsieur, that they needed food as much as We did, 
And as we could not hold out any longer, I sent a collar to the 
Sakis to convince them that their Father had instructed me to 
tell them that he would grant them their lives on condition that 
they would abandon the Eenards, As they had previously prom- 
ised Him, and return to la Baye. They promised me that they 
would do so. 

In this encounter we lost two French and one Huron ; four 
or five savages were wounded. The Ebemy had 30 men Killed, 
wounded, and taken prisoners. I proceeded. Monsieur, to Mon- 
aieur Dartaguiette's post to march against the Chicachas 
according to your orders. ISTearly All our Savages left me and 
went on the war-path in one direction or another. Most of 
them told me that they wished to return home to provide for the 
subsistence of their families. 



1735] French Regime in Wisconsin 

Monsieur Dartagniette asked me whether I would go back, 
saying that a party of 400 Missouris and Kanses with several 
Frenchmen was about to march Against the Eenards and Sakis ; 
that we might unite our forces and destroy them ; and that he 
would give me food and men. I said that I was quite ready 
to march if he would take upon HimseK the responsibility of the 
expense that this new war would cost. He replied that he 
would take no responsibility. I did not venture, Monsieur, to 
take it on MyseM in view of the uncertainty of success. JiTeither 
could I march against the Chicachas on account of the band that 
the Missouris had levied against the Renards and the defection 
of our savages. I have nothing, Monsieur, wherewith to reproach 
myself and I venture to hope that you will not address any 
reproaches to me when I have done my best. You would hardly 
believe all that I have been through, and the fatigues I have 
endured. I would count them as nothing, had I succeeded. 
The savages Are the Sole Cause of our ill success and They could 
not help admitting to me that Nontagarouche had made us 
miss our opportunity. 

I take the liberty, Monsieur, of representing to you that on 
expeditions of this kind It is necessary that the French should 
be stronger than the Savages so as to be able to dominate them ; 
otherwise They dominate us, and I have experienced this only 
too well, notwithstanding my complaisance and attention to 
Them. There was one from the Sault who was bold enough 
to beat one of our Soldiers in my presence. I pretended to 
turn my head away as if I had not seen it, for we expected 
every Day to be abandoned by those people at the first word 
that we might say to them. 

The Kikapou who was married among the Renards, and who 
followed Those who were with Me was shot dead two leagues 
from the Renards by an Iroquois who scalped Him in my 
presence. J^ever were Savages more surprised. They trem- 
bled like leaves, for they dreaded, with reason, that they might 
All meet the same fate for the Iroquois said : ^^We have come 
to seek Enemies; here are some already found since by their 
conduct they are as much Renards as the others." 

[ 229 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voLxvu 

[Letter of Hocquart to the French Minister, dated October 26, 1735, 
enclosing a letter to the comptroller-general of finance. Source, same 
as preceding document, hut vol. 64, c. 11, fol. 159.] 

MoNSEiGNEUB" — I take the liberty of placing under Your 
[eyes] The letter that I write to Monsieur the Comptroller gen- 
eral of finance. In answer to That which he did me the honor 
of writing to me respecting the Trade of the Company of the 
Indies/ As he asks me for Information respecting the Si our 
Desnoyelles's Campaign because it affects the hunting of 
Beaver, I have thought, subject to your good pleasure, that I 
could not avoid entering into some details with him. My 
Letter to Monsieur the Comptroller-general is not sealed. 

I remain etc. 


[Enclosure in the above.] 

At Quebec the 26th of October, 1735.2 

MoNSEiGNEUR — I have received the letter that You did me 
The honor of writing to me on the 10th of March last. 

The receipts from Beaver skins have been considerable this 
year, notwithstanding the Troubles And the war expeditions 
in the upper Country, because The Post among the scioux and 
tihe new posts Established for the discovery of the Sea of The 
west have secured nearly 100 thousand very good skins. The 
total receipts amounted to 178 thousand livres 

iThis was the famous speculative concern known first as the Mis- 
sissippi Company, formed by Law in 1717. In 1719 it was reorgan- 
ized under this title. The company retroceded Louisiana to the King 
in 1731, but retained commercial rights in the colonies. About this 
time the company began its famous career in India. It went into 
liquidation in 1770.— Ed. 

2 Note on the original MS.: "L. P. 'Le President' of the Council of 
the Marine to Monsieur The Comptroller general. Accounts for 
the number of Beaver skins received. Of the Campaign of Monsieur 
des Noyelles, relative to the interests of the Company of the Indies. 
Beaver to Be replaced on the same footing as before the ordinance 
of the 4th of January, 1733. Note: After the present letter is That 
forwarding the same to the minister." 


French Regime in Wisconsin 

Monsieur Des noyelles left Montreal in the month, of August 
1734, with 80 French and about 130 of our settled savages to 
^)ursue the Sakis and Een,ards. He took with himi on his way, 
both at Detroit and at the Ouiatanons, about 100 hurons and 
Poutouatamis. After 7 montlis' journey both by water and by 
land, he arrived on the bank of the River Mongona [Des 
Moines] 60 Leagues from the spot where that River falls into 
the Mississipi,^ to which place they had been guided by 40 
Kikapoux. The savages and French set to work to cross The 
River to fall on what they took for 4 Cabins of Renards whose 
Camping places they had traced. But when 27 savages and 3 
French had crossed that River before the main body of The 
little army had assembled, and as they were about to rush, 
hatchet in hand, on those 4 cabins, they found themselves sur- 
rounded by nearly 250 Sakis and Renards who formed 55 Cab- 
ins, and against whom these 30 men fought so well that they 
compelled them to fall back and to retire into a fort built by the 
"women And Children while the Warriors were fighting; so 
that when the main body of our small army made its appear- 
ance The enemy had retreated, and the Sakis asked Monsieur 
Desnoyelles for a suspension of hostilities in order to hold a 
parley. That officer who had been ordered to use naught but 
conciliatory means to detach the Sakis from the Renards, had 
recourse to the same and without letting them know the sorry 
Plight of his army, which consisted only of 240 men — for The 
Hurons had left at Otiiatanons, and moreover they had no 
provisions to allow of their sustaining a siege. He neverthe- 
less spoke to the Sakis as a superior. And told them that their 
father had sent him solely to tell them that he would forgive 
them for the affair at la B'aye on condition that they separated 
from the Renards and returned to kindle at that spot the fire 
that they had abandoned. These savages received the Sieur 
Desnoyelles's message with much satisfaction, and replied to 
him that, on account of the men who had been wounded in the 

1 Probably in the vicinity of the present city of Des Moines, 
Iowa. — -Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

Bkinniah with our 30 men, they were imable to follow him but 
that he might assure their father that they would return to 
their old village as soon as they conld. 5 of our Settled hurona 
who had been on the war-path against the Chicachas have re- 
ported that 30 of These Sakis were at the River St Joseph, 
and the remainder at la Baye. This news lacks confirmation; 
But if It be true, tranquillity will be restored in the Posts, and 
the remnant of the Renards who are said to be wandering about 
in the regions of the Mississipi will gradually be destroyed and 
•will not give our savages enough occupation to keep them from 
hunting. I shall have the honor of writing more particularly 
about this next year. Moreover, as regards the sieur Desnoy- 
elles's Campaign, I cannot better describe to You the fatigues 
and the hardships that the long journey on foot and hunger 
caused him and the party under his command .to endure, than 
to say that I am surprised that Frenchmen should have been 
able to undergo them. In the skirmish that took place on the 
19th of April last, we lost two French and one savage. The 
enemy had 30 killed, wounded and taken prisoners. Had not 
the Hurons abandoned Monsieur Desnoyelles and had the 
Outawacs of Missilimakinac been able to join him, there would 
no longer be any question of the Eenards at present. 'No other 
reason can be assigned for the defection of The hurons except 
their spirit of independence, in spite of their attachment for 
the French ; And the desire they had to go and eat — thus they 
speak — other Sakis Established at River St. Joseph who are 
attached to us, but who displeased the Hurons merely because 
they bear the name of Sakis. It required all the wisdom and 
all the prudence of the sieur Demuy, the officer Commanding 
at the River St Joseph, to restrain the hurons and prevent 
them from attacking Those Sakis. That the Campaign met 
with no better success did not depend upon the sieur Desnoy- 
eUea. This expedition has in any case shown the savages, And 
they have acknowledged it, that the French are as capable as 
they of undertaking Marches and of seeking The enemy at the 
extremities of the Colony. 

The Company of the Indies has done well in relaxing the 

[ 232 ] 

1735] French Regime in Wisconsin 

excessive severity of the ordinance that I promulgated on the 
4th of January 1733 for the reduction of the price of Summer 
Beaver which was 10 sols The livre, both green and dry, on 
condition that it he burned, because the Hatters of the King- 
dom could not make use of it as the company wrote to me. But 
since it has heeded the representations made to It that such 
reduction might injure its Trade by inducing the savages and 
even the French to take to the English not only this kind of 
Beaver, which they accept, but also That of good quality. It has 
therefore sent orders to its agent to forward to France the 
Beaver taken in summer, as was practised previous to my ordi- 
nance. It has also begged me to raise the price of the same. 
I considered that it was in its interest to restore matters to their 
old footing. The Company of the Indies carries on its Trade 
in good faith, and it would not be proper to suspect it of having 
asked for The reduction of the price of the Summer Beaver on 
condition that it be burned, solely in order to obtain it in the 
future at about the same price as the reduced rate without being 
obliged to bum it. Moreover, This is a matter of so little con- 
sequence that it otherwise deserves no Consideration. 
I remain etc 

Indorsed: "Given an answer the 8th of May, 1736." 


[Letter of Beauharnois and Hocquart to the French Minister, dated 
Oct. 11, 1735. MS. in archives of Ministdre des Colonies, Paris; press- 
mark, "Canada, Corresp. g6n., vol. 63, c. 11, fol. 58.] 

MoNSEiGNEUK — Wc havo received the letter that you did us 
the honor of Writing to us on the 15th of May last, to which 
was appended the report handed you by the Director-General of 
the mint in France on the assay that you caused to be made in 
Paris of the copper of Lake superior, a piece of which we sent 
you last year. 

In the King's memorial we Informed you of the subsequent 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

discoveries of the sieur De la Eonde, and of the measures he 
adopts for prosecuting that Undertaking. The Information 
that we gave jon is nothing else than extracts from the Letters 
that He and his son have written us. We send you copies of 
those Letters. 

The Sieur La Ronde might have given us more detailed in- 
formation, but from what he writes to us There is hardly any 
reason to doubt the advantages to be derived from that Under- 
taking both for himself and for the Colony ; at least He engages 
in it in a manner that leaves us no doubt. 

Oti Examining The Ingot of copper that we sent last year, 
one might be inclined to believe that it had been cast; And If 
it has been acknowledged by Monsieur Grassin as a work of 
nature, the pieces we send this year will convince him still 
more, Independently of the certainty we have that these speci- 
mens were cut with hatchets from larger pieces of the same 
quality. We consider that the whole difficulty in the Working 
of these mines, supposing that the ore is as pure as it seems to 
us to be. Consists at present in finding means to divide into port- 
able pieces, the masses of Copper on the banks of the river Tona- 
gan, and that which will no doubt be also found at other Places 
on Lake Superior; for if They are as enormous as the Block 
lying on the shore of the Lake which we Reported to you in 
1732, when we sent you the Sieur de la Ronde's proposals re- 
garding this Undertaking, the iron or steel Implements that 
would be Used in separating them might be Insufficient, And 
although the copper is pure, this method of mining it might be 
very costly. We can expect from the Sieur de la Ronde nothing 
but great activity in seeking for these mines, and both from 
him and from the Workmen and voyageurs whom he has with 
him nothing but mere natural Industry, without the slightest 
Idea of the art [of mining] , which will not be conducive to An 
easy Exploitation of these mines. This is doubtless the reason 
which has Induced the Sieur de la Ronde to write us to beg 
you to procure a skilled workman for him to show them how 
to Work these mines, which, he says, consist only of a Mass of 
ore. He asked Monsieur hocquart for a certain Chambellan, a 



1-35] French Regime in Wisconsin 


l^d and silversmith in Quebec. This workman has, in truth, 
B>me Ability and Skill. On hearing the account that we gave 
\ im of the quality of these mines, He finds less difficulty in 
tiieir Working than we do. He claims that when the mine is 
icncovered it will be easy with Iron Wedges well tempered and 
mih iron Sledges to divide a Block of Copper of any size into 
jjortable ingots, especially if there are any flaws in it, as in 
the largest of the three pieces of copper which we send to Mon- 
sieur de Beauhamois to be Forwarded to you. We cannot 
warrant success until the Experiment has been made. The 
said Chambellan will start next Spring to join the sieur De la 
Ronde, and at all Elvents He will Take with him the tools he 
nmy need to w^ork according to the proposed method, the min« 
that has been found, if the Sieur de la Konde does not discover 
others easier to work in the course of the explorations that he 
is to make on Lake Superior. It seems to us that he really 
intends to prosecute this Undertaking. Perhaps he may obtain 
further assistance from the workman for whom he asks you. 
If it be possible to find One He offers to defray the expense, 
and we beg You in that case, Monseigneur, to give your orders 
to have one sought for and sent out by the first ships from St. 
Malo which sail for 1' Isle Royale, sp that he may proceed 
thence to Quebec in time to Embark in the sieur De la Eonde's 
Canoes and arrive during the open seasom at the Establishmient 
on Lake superior. 

That officer has also Sent us another small piece of Copper 
which was given to his son by a savage of that quarter, and 
which he claims to have been taken from another mine situate 
on a branch of the same Tonagan river. It is in the same box 
as the 3 other pieces. 

We received the last Letters of the sieur De la Ronde dated 
the 22nd July in Time to be able to answer them, and to ask 
him for further Information On the situation,' — the Extent, 
and everything relating to the Tonagan mine. We Hope that 
he will give us this information in a more detailed and more 
satisfactory manner, and we shall Report the same to you next 
year. We shall send him in the Spring a Copy of the memo- 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvu 

rial that you have sent us, in order that he may derive Informa- 
tion from it, and also to encourage him to pursue his discov- 
eries. Father Piscot, a Ilecollet,^ who has some knowledge of 
metals, has written a paper on these mines, some ore from 
which he tested at Montreal by order of Monsieur de Beau- 
hamois. We take the liberty of sending it to You. We ap- 
pend the report made by one Oorbin, a carpenter,^ to Monsieur 
Hocquart on what he saw of those Mines. 
We remain etc. 


[Letter of Hocquart to the French Minister. Source, same as pre- 
ceding document, but vol. 64, c. 11, fol. 59.] 

At Quebec the 14th of October, 1735. 
MoNSEiGNEiTR — 'Siuce The description Monsieur the Mar- 
quis de Beauhamois and Myself have given to you together 
respecting Monsieur De la Eonde's discovery, one Corbin, a 
Carpenter who built the bark on Lake Superior, has come down 
to Quebec and has reported to me what he has seen of the Cop- 
per mine that is on the Tonnagane river. I have drawn up 
this report in words almost as simple as those which That 
Workman employed in explaining himself to me. It is Ap- 
pended hereto. I shall urge the sieur De la Eonde's partner 
to send next Spring to Lake superior with one Chambellan 
several hardy and skillful workmen to endeavor to mine the 
Copper beds on the bank of that Eiver with crowbars, Wedges, 
sledge-hammers and other tools that they may need to clear 
away the Soil and break up the metal if possible into portable 
pieces. But if we can obtain from France a workman who 
is a good craftsman and able to give information, and to devise 
expedients for working the mine, this will greatly facilitate 

lEtienne Piscot was superior of the Recollects at Montreal. See 
Tanguay, Repertoire Gen. du Glerge Canadien (ed. 1868), p. 98. — Eto. 

2 Probably the Corbin who made the canoes at Michilimackinac for 
Louvigny's expedition. See Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, p. 407. — Ed. 

[ 236 ] 



«36) French Regime in Wisconsin 

the work. The sieur De la Ronde asks for one whom he offers 
to pay. You alone, Monseigneur, are able to procijre one for 
him and in case you should be unable to find one, he begs you, 
Monseigneur, to have an instructive treatise drawn up which 
will teach the easiest and least expensive Manner in which 
such a mine can be worked, And which will consequently men- 
tion the implements and tools to be Used as well as The pre- 
cautions to be taken as a protection against the noxious gases 
that the metal may exhale when mined. ^ 
I remain etc. 


[Enclosure in the above. Source, same as preceding document, but 
fol. 61.] 

Report made to Monsien/r hocquart^ hy one Corhin, a 
Carpenter, An Employee of the Sieur Be la Bonde, respecting 
the copper rmrues of LaJce Superior amd the River Tormaganne. 

The said Oorbin left Sault Ste. Marie, The place where tihe 
sieur De la Ronde is building his Vessel," on The [blank space 
in MS.] May last with two men named Vaudry and Le Bean 
who were going to meet the Sieur de la Rondel's son. The lat- 
ter was returning after speijding the winter at Chagouamigon. 
He embarked with Them, and they were followed by two others 

1 Marginal note on MS.: 

"Respecting the Tonnagane Copper Mine. Appends The report of 
one Corbin. Will send next spring one Chambellan, And some Hardy 
men with suitable implements for mining the ore. Asks the Minister 
on behalf of the Sieur Le Ronde, who offers to pay him, for a person 
well skilled in such matters, or in default of such a workman a good 
instructive treatise in order that these mines may be more easily 
worked also suitable implements and tools. L. P." 

2 In a letter written about this time (see Macalester College Contri- 
hutions, 1st series, No. 4, p. 114), it is said of La Ronde: "He has 
constructed at his own expense, a bark of forty tons on Lake Superior, 
and was obliged to transport in canoes, as far as Sault Ste. Marie, 
the rigging and materials for the vessel. The post Chagouamigon 
was given him as a gratuity to defray expenses." See also Wisconsin 
Historical Society Proceedings, 1894, pp. 87, 88. — ^Ed. 

[ 237 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

named fell and Grobin. They took on board a savage at the 
place called The cove [ L'anse] near the point of Kienon/ who 
asserted that he had a thorough knowledge of the Mines and of 
the Copper in the said River of Tonnagane. They travel led 
thither, And after entering the said River,^ which they ascended 
for a distance of about 8 leagues from the shore of Lake Super- 
ior, they Found a mine about 15 arpents in length ascending 
the said river, 30 feet from the water's edge and which may 
be at a height of 60 feet in the Cliff. This Mine consists of 
layers or beds 5 or 6 pouces" thick. There are about Fifty of 
these layers one above the other nearly to the top of the Hill, 
and they are intersected or Bound together by a Sandy soil 
without Stones. There does not appear to be any break at 
any Part of their Length. At the first Layer near the water, 
there is a Sort of Stone which is easily broken And which de- 
taches itself from the Copper without being mixed with it. 
All these Beds or layers of Copper run about The Length of 15 
arpents following the course of the River. Corbin adds that 
they cut some of this Copper with a hatchet at The place where 
there was a seam ; that it appeared to him quite pure, and that 
at every place in these 15 arpents where they bored they found 
it similar to this ; that on being taken from the Mine it can be 
forged and worked as easily as lead; that a Spit And several 
small tools were made out of it Such as knife-Handles, braces 
for the Carpenters, foot-rules And other Articles, without taking 
any other trouble than hammering it while cold just as it came 
out of the mine. 

That after examining this mine, The savage wanted to take 
them into three branches of that same River where he assured 
them there was as much copper at each Place as they Saw before 
them ; but that as they had no provisions and, moreover no tools 

^L'anse is the usual designation on maps of tlie period, for what 
is now known as Keweenaw Bay, at the base of Keweenaw Point, 
upper peninsula of Michigan. — ^Ed. 

2 Marginal note on MS.: "A vessel of at least 40 tons could enter 
that River." 

3 For this measure, see Wis. Hist. Colls., xvl, p. 353. — En. 


1735] French Regime in Wisconsin 

-suitable for cutting a quantity of the metal, they came away. 

The said Corbin likewise saw in the bottom of Lake superior 
a mass of virgin copper which he thinks must weigh from 8 to 
10 Thousand livres, and he says that there is another on the 
bank of the said River Tonnagane at the foot of the mine which 
eeems to have rolled down from the Cliff, and which is from 
6 to 7 feet in Diameter and the same in height; that it is sur- 
rounded by Riocks which are easily detached by striking them, 
or by building a fire against them. 

He thinks that in order to remove the layers of Ct>pper from 
this Mine it will be necessary to use strong iron crowbars to 
dislodge and lift them when cut in pieces by means of Wedges 
driven in with Sledge-hammers, and files mounted like saws 
for sawing the layers in the Cliff. He says that this is also the 
opinion of Monsieur De la Ronde. 

He also adds that the outer face of these copper beds or 
Layers is covered with Verdigris and that the metal shines only 
'when scraped with an iron implement; that it is perhaps this 
Verdigris that prevents the breaks in the Length of these beds 
from being seen ; that the sandy Soil between the beds of copper 
falls away as easily as bad Dry mortar. This he ascertained 
by striking it with the back of his hatchet and by scratching it 
with the Blade. He observed that this Soil is very dry, and 
consists of three different kinds of substances ; sand Predomi- 
nates and it is mixed with clay and a sort of Mineral dust that 
seems to be of copper ; it is shining And reddish ; That each of 
these layers of sandy soil is covered with Verdigris like The 
beds of copper; that they have all fallen away so that the 
copper beds project 2, 3, and 4 pouces, and the layers of soil 
are indented to the same extent. 

The Cliff is perpendicular and almost Equally so through- 
out the length of the 15 arpents, at the end of which it is easy 
to ascend to the summit of the Cliff. This Corbin did, and 
scraped away The earth in several places with his hatchet; he 
observed that it is reddish in some places, grey in others, dry- 
everywhere, and easy to remove, without being mixed with 
any stones. The surface of this Soil is denuded of trees and 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

even of grass with the exception of a few small hollows where 
there are some ; that is a few scattered tufts of grass and stunted 
fir-trees 3 and 4 feet high ; That there are trees only at a dis- 
tance of 12, 15 and 20 arpents in the valley, and they are only 
as thick as one's leg and scattered in clumps. The Country 
is level. Corhin saw no spring of water-, not even the Trace 
of one, for 15 arpents fronting on the River. He thinks that 
a Land-slide has taken place at this last Spot, and he bases his 
opinion on the fact that at various points on The bank of the 
River there are mounds of earth. The appearance whereof re- 
sembles That of The soil at the top of the ClifF. 

From The mouth of The River T'onnagane to the spot where 
the mine is situated, there are 7 or 8 small rapids which will 
not prevent Canoes carrying six thousand livres from ascending 
the river. These Canoes will go down even more easily. The 
first of these rapids is three Leagues up the River; the seven 
others are at varying intervals from one another. 

This Report has been made to me by Corbin, carpenter, at 
Quebec, This [blank space in MS.] October, 1735. 



[Extract of a letter from Beauharnois and Hocquart to the French 
Minister, dated Oct. 5, 1736. Source, same as preceding document, 
but vol. 6B, c. 11, fol. 55.] 


We cannot too strongly represent to you, Monseigneur, the 
N'ecessity of strengthening Detroit. We see no other means of 
attaining this object than by posting a strong garrison And 
granting Lands there. But this project can only be partially 
carried out until His Majesty is pleased to increase The num- 
ber of his Troops. 

The Concessions which We have granted to various inhabit- 
ants for some years past have Induced them to Work more 
assiduously than they had hitherto done in cultivating the SoiL 


736] French Regime in Wisconsin 

Ln 1735, from 1300 to 1400 Minots of wheat were harvested, 
Ajid Monsieur Peau who has just returned from' there esti- 
nates that wheat will not be worth more than 3 livres Tlie 
minot This year at Detroit. At present there are at that Post 
a garrison of 17 soldiers, 40 families, And 80 men capable of 
bearing arms. We have recently granted sixteen More con- 
cessions to inhabitants of that place who asked us for them, 
And we append Copies tlieieof which We beg you, Monseig- 
neur, to get ratified by His Majesty. The 3 or 4 inhabitants 
who hold concessions from tbe Sieur Lamothe Oadilloc can be 
Disturbed in the possession of Their Lands solely by The King's 
officers, w^hich will not happen. They feel no anxiety on that 

We have to inform you that — upon the request made last 
Summer to Monsieur Peau, then tbe Commandant, to have a 
person appointed to wbom Tbe said inhabitants might pay the 
Cens Et rentes'^ for their Lands — Monsieur Hocquart appointed 
One l^avarre, a young man of acknowledged integrity, residing 
at Detroit, to act as Receiver of EQs Majesty's Domain, and he 
allowed him a commission of four sols in the Livre on the 
moneys collected by him. Some years ago Monsieur Hocquart 
granted that Individual a License as l^otary, an office be fills 
to the satisfaction of the inhabitants.^ 

iThe French, land taxes were summed up by the term "cens et 
rentes," the first being a feudal tax usually paid in kind to the seignior. 
At Detroit, the commandant of the post had certain rights for which 
he received a yearly sum, but Detroit was not a seigniory; the term 
"cens et rentes" is here doubtless employed in a collective sense, for 
what the English would call "quit-rents" due to the Crown. This tax 
was usually one or two sols (sous) per front foot. See Burton, Cadil- 
lac's Tillage (Detroit, 1896). — ^Ed. 

2 Robert Navarre was born in France in 1709, of an illegitimate 
branch of the royal house of that name. Soon after his arrival in 
Canada, he was sent to Detroit as royal notary (1728 or 1730), where 
in 1734 he married Marie Lothman de Barrois. Thus was founded 
one of the most important families among the French habitants. See 
Hamlin, Legends of Le Detroit (Detroit, 1884); also Denissen, Family 
of Navarre (Detroit, 1897). The founder, Robert Navarre, died in 
1791.— Ed. 

[ 241 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voLxvh 

When Monsieur De B'eauhamois appointed the Sieur Des- 
nojelles Commandant of that Post, he notified that Officer that 
The pay And The clothing of the soldiers of the Garrison to be 
stationed there wonld be at his charge. But if such Garrison 
exceed 30 men, as it is necessary that It should, We doubt 
whether any officer wishing to do his duty can undertake it 
We will await The orders you may give us on the subject. 

If The affair of the copper mines should have as advan- 
tageous results as We have Reason to Hope, this Country will 
become more and more worthy of his Majesty's attention and 
of the jealousy of our neighbors. The Post of Missilimakinac 
And That of Riviere St Joseph, will require the same precau- 
tionary measures as that of Detroit. This will at first entail 
considerable expense upon his Majesty, But there is every 
Eieason to believe that he will be amply compensated in The 

We remain with very profound respect, Monseigneur, Tour 

very humble and very obedient servants 


Quebec, October 5th, 1736. 


[Extract from the annual report of Beauharnois and Hocquart, 
dated Oct. 12, 1736. Transcript from N. Y. Colon. Docs., ix, pp. 1050- 

* * * * ** * * 

Sieur de Beauharnois reported last year the cause of the ill 
success attending Sieur de IS'oyelles' campaign against the Foxes 
and the Sakis. He has the honor to inform you, My Lord, 
by a private letter, of resolution adopted by these Indians, and 
of the dispositions of the Sakis, according to the news he has 
received from the commandant at the River St. Joseph. 

Sieur de Joncaire, commandant among the Chaouanons, has 
written Sieur de Beauharnois that his Indians continued to 



1736] French Regime in Wisconsin 

ject the evil advice of the Iroquois, and were disposed to fol- 
low their Father's pleasure ; that they were about sending Depu- 
ties to Detroit to visit their Brothers the Hurons, and that they 
would oome down to Montreal next Spring, to hear Sieur de 
Beauhamois' word and obey it. They have added that as he 
had located them on the Beautiful [Ohio] river, they would 
not^ without his orders, abandon the fire he had lighted for them 
at that place. Therefore, although the transmigration of these 
Indians to Detroit has not yet taken place, it is to be presumed 
from the dispositions they continue to entertain, that Sieur de 
Beauhamois will succeed in engaging them to do so. The 
maxim of the Indians in negotiations of this nature, is to have 
frequent talks together, and nothing is terminated among them 
•until after divers interviews. This has been the cause of the 
delay manifested by the Chaouanons. As for the rest, M. de 
Beauhamois flatters himself that the business will be terminated 
next year; he will not lose sight of it. 

As regards the Miamis, they appear very quiet in their vil- 
lage, and M. de Beauhamois has not heard that any of them 
liave dispersed. 

In the answer to the King's Memoir of 1734, Mess" de 
Beauhamois and Hocquart have explained the reasons which! 
had prevented M. d'Amaud, who commanded the party sent 
against the O^iatonons proceeding beyond the Miamis, and 
the motives which induced M. de Beauhamois not to push that 
affair any further. 

He will add, in regard to its probable consequences, that he 
agreed the more readily to be content with the pardon the 
Ouiatanons have solicited of him, inasmuch as there is no doubt^ 
had Sieur d'Amaud continued his march, but these Indians 
would have been advised thereof by the Miamis, their allies, 
and have retired to the Peanguichias or Islinois, who are 
equally their allies, so that, besides being unable to wreat 
vengeance on the Ouitanons, it would be declaring war against 
the other nations, among whom they would certainly have found 
an asylum, and stopping the path to the Mississippy on our- 
selves. The peace we have for some time been endeavoring to es- 
16 [243] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvu 

tablish in the Upper countries, and tlie condition of affairs ro- 
quired mild and moderate means to be preferred on an occasion^ 
involving neither the honor of the Erench nation nor the King's 
arms, and arising merely out of a simple fray between some 
drunken young Onitanons and two or three Voyageurs, in an 
affair of trade. The proceedings and resolution of the French 
of Detroit to wreak vengeance for the insult perpetrated on 
these Voyageurs, have not been unknown to all the I^ations, 
and may, in, like manner, help to restrain those of that quarter. 
In fine, it has not been until after having weighed all these 
considerations and the unfortunate consequences this affair might 
involve, which M. de Beauhamois has just explained, that he 
deemed it prudent, and of infinite importance to the good of the 
Colony, to grant the Ouitanons the pardon they asked of him, 
rather than aggravate the troubles of the Upper country, by ac1> 
ing in direct opposition to the views he entertains of reestablish- 
ing peace, the object so strongly recommended to him. 

In regard to the Scioux, Sieur [St.] Pierre, who commanded 
at that post, and Father Guignas, the Missionary, have written 
to Sieur de Beauhamois on the 10th and 11th of April last, 
that these Indians appeared well intentioned towards the 
French, and had no other fear than that of being abandoned 
by them. Sieur de Beauhamois annexes an extract of these 
letters; and although the Scioux seem very friendly, the result 
only can tell whether their fidelity is to be absolutely depended 
on, for the unrestrained and inconsistent spirit which composes 
the Indian character, may easily change it. They have not 
come down this summer, as yet, but M. de St. Pierre is to get 
them to do so next year, and to have an eye on their proceed- 


M. de Beauhamois gave an account last year of the affair 
of the Chicachas, and since that time has not received any 
news from M. de Bienville. 

We are with most profound respect. My Lord, Your most 
humble and obedient Servants, Beauharnois 

Quebec, October 12th, 1736. HoCQUABT 



736] French Regime in Wisconsin 

[Extracts from an enumeration given by an unknown person.i 
iated Oct. 12, 1736. Transcribed from N. Y. Colon. Docs., ix, pp. 

Enumeration of the Indian Tribes connected with the Govemr 
_ ment of Canada; the Warriors and Armorial 

P bearings of each Nation. 1736 

The Tetes de Bovle or Tribes of the Interior 

. These are wandering Savages who have no knowledge either 
of the order or form of villages, and evince the least intellect; 
tihey inhabit the mountains and lakes in the interior, from Three 
Rivers to Lake Superior. Their armorial bearings are un- 
known, if any they have. 

At Missilimahindk 

The Outawas of this village amount to one hundred and 
eighty warriors; the two principal branches are 
Kiskakons (1) and Sinago (2) ; the Bear (1) and 

Black Squirrel (2),-' . . . . 180 

River Missisague 
The Missisagues on the river number thirty men, and 
twenty men on the Island called Manitouatim of 

Lake Huron. They have for device, a Crane/ . 50 

iTbe authorship of this enumeration has been variously assigned. 
O'Callaghan says it has been supposed to be Joncaire; but he was 
on the Ohio at this date, and not at Mackinac. Schoolqraft (History 
of Indian tribes, Phila., 1847, iii, p. 558), says there is a note on 
the original MS., that the compilation is supposed to have been made 
by Monsieur Chauvignerie. We think it probably the work of Celeron 
the younger, who was commandant at Mackinac at this date, and 
well acquainted with Indian tribes. — Ed. 

2 For the Ottawa clans, see Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, pp. 119, 120. — Ed. 

3 For location and history of this tribe, see Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, pp. 
18, 371. The island is the Manltoulin, at the entrance of Georgian 
Bay. — ^Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [vol. 

Lake Superior — At the Mouth 

At the Falls of Saint Mary are the Sauteurs/ to the 
nuinber of thirty; they are in two divisions, and 
have for device, the Ctrane and the Oat fish, . 80 

Michipicoion — At North of this Lahe^ 

Tte Papinakois and those of the interior; the first are 

twenty warriors, and have for device, a Hare, . 20 

River Ounepigon 

The Obkemanettigons are domiciled there to the number 
of forty warriors. They have for device, the bird 
called the Fisher . . . ,40 

The Monsonis,* who are migratory, estimate themselves 
two hundred men, and have for device, a Moose 
[Original'] f ..... 200 

Tlie Abittibis and the Tetes de Boule come there also. 
Some have informed me that the first have for arms, 
the Partridge with the Eagle. I have already 
stated that they are in all one hundred warriors. 

Tlie Namewilinis have one hundred and fifty fit to bear 

arms. They have for device, a Sturgeon,^ . 150 

The tribes of the Savannas, one hundred and forty war- 
riors strong, have for armorial device, a Hare, . 140 

iFor the history of the Chippewa (whom the French called Saut- 
*eurs), see Minn. Hist. Colls., v. — Ed. 

2 There was a small French post on the Michipicoton River, a depend- 
ency of the larger one at Nipigon. — Ed. 

8 The fort on the Nipigon River was found to draw the trade from 
the English at Hudson Bay. It was resorted to by a number of 
roving tribes. The domiciled tribe is probably the loon totem of the 
Chippewa. See Warren, "History of the Ojibways," Minn. Hist. GolU., 
v, ch. 2, The Monsoni were a wandering Algonquian tribe north and 
east of Lake Nipigon. — Ed. 

* Probably the Sturgeon clan of the Chippewa. — Ed. 

[ 246 ] 

.736] French Regime in Wisconsin 



The Ouace are in number sixty men, and have for device 

a ,Oat fish, . . . . . ■ ^ 

Tecamamiouen,- or Rainy Lake 

These Indians are the same as those who come to ITepi- 

^gon. They are about this lake to the number of one 
hundred men, ..... 100 
Lake of the Woods 

The Oistinaux are scattered hereabout, to the number 
of two hundred warriors. They have for device, 
the Wild goose, .... 200 

Lake Ounepigon 

The Cristinaux are around this lake to the number of 

sixty men, . . . . .60 

Assenipoels. See Scioux. 

South of Lake Superior 

Kiouanan [Keweenaw] . In this quarter there are dom- 
iciled forty Sauteurs, who have for device, the 
Crane and the Stag, . . . . 40 

The Sauteurs of Point Chagouamigon are one hun- 
dred and fifty warriors, .... 150 

The Scioux, at the head of this lake, in the woods and 
along the lakes, though scattered, are computed at 
three hundred men, .... 300 

iThe post of Kamanistigoya was founded before 1718, to command 
the portage of Pigeon River, called "the Grand Portage." The Ouacfi 
may be the same as the tribe referred to in 1697 as "Les GensappelSs 
de L'Outarde (people of the bustard) otherwise Ouikaliny." See 
Margry, Dccouv. et etabl., v, p. 7. — Ed. 

2 This post was founded by La V^rendrye in the fall of 1731, and 
named St. Pierre.' — iEo. 

[ 2i7 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voLxtu 

The Scioux of the Prairies are, in the opinion of Voya- 
geurs, over two thousaTid men, Their Armorial 
devices are the Buffalo, the Black Dog and the 
Otter, ...... 2000 

The Assenipoels, or Pouans can, according to others, vie 
with the Scionx, from whom they formerly sprung. 
They number one hundred and fifty to the south of 
Lake Ounepigon, and have for device, a Big Stone 
or a Pock, ..... 150 

The Puans have retired, since 1728, to the Scioux to the 
numher of eighty ; they have for Armorial hearings, 
the Stag, the Polecat (Pichovx), the Tiger,^ . 80 

T%e head of Lake Superior 

The Ayowois are settled at the south of the River de Mis- 
souris, at the other side of the Mississipi. They are 
no more than ei,a"litv. They have for device, a Fox, 80 


IxJce Michigan and its dependencies 

The Folles Avoines, north of this lake, numher one hun- 
dred and sixty warriors, .... 160 

The most considerable tribes [have] for device, the Larp'e 
tailed Bear, the Stag, a Kiliou — that is a species of Eagle (the 
most beautiful bird of tliis country,) — perched on a cross. 

In explanation of a Cross forming the Armorial hearings of 
the Indians, it is stated that formerly a Chief of the Folles 
Avoines finding himself dangerously sick, consented, after trying 
the ordinary remedies, to see a Missionary, who. Cross in hand, 
prayed to G^od for his recovery, and obtained it from, his imercy. 
In gratitude for this benefit, the Chief desired that to his arms 
should he added a Cross on which the Kiliou has ever since been 
always perched. 


iTBe word "pichou " was commonly used for the Canadian lynx or 
loup carrier; the "tiger" was a catamount. — Ed. 

[ 248 ] 

1736] French Regime in Wisconsin 

Pouteouatamis. In 1728 there was a small village of 
; this nation, retired on an island to the number of 20 
The Bay [La Baye], at the head of this Lake is the so- 
journ, or rather the country of the Sakis. This 
nation could put under arms one hundred and fifty 
men. Others do not count but one hundred and 
twenty. They have for device, a Crab, a Wolf, and 
a She-Bear, . . . . .160 

Fox River 

The river of the Foxes discharges into this lake. This 
nation now migratory, still consists, when not sep- 
arated, of one hundred men bearing arms. They 
have for devicei, a Fox, .... 100 

The Kickapous, formerly their allies, may be eighty men. 

They bear for device, the Pheasant and the Otter, 80 

The Maskoutin has for Armorial device, the Wolf and 

the Stag. This nation is estimated at sixty men, 60 

River 8aini Joseph, south of Lake Michigan 

The Pouteouatamis, who call themselves the Governor's 
eldest sons,^ compose the village of the Biver Saint 
Joseph, to the number of one hundred warriors. 
The principal tribes bear the Golden Carp, the 
Frog, the Crab, the Tortoise, . . .100 

There are in the village about ten Miamis who bear as 

their arms a C^ane, . . . .10 

Also, eight Illinois Kaskakias, whose device is a feather' 

of an arrow — ^^ v>^"~"n^ ' ^'^ =^ notched; or two 

arrows supported one against the other (x) in 
saltier [like a St. Andrew's cross.] 
These are the nations best known to us as well along the 
Grand Biver of the Ontawas as north and south of Lakes 

lit is probable that they called themselves the "eldest sons" because 
they were the first of the nations at La Baye to make an alliance 
with the French, and to visit Montreal. See Wis. Hist. Colls., xvl, 
pp. 34-50. — Ed. 

[ 249 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. 


Superior and Michigan. I propose now proceeding again from 
Montreal by way of the Lakes to Missilimakinak. 

Lake Erie and Dependencies; South Side 

The Chaouanons towards Carolina, are two hundred 

men, ...... 200 

Flatheads. The Cherakis, Chicachas, T'otiris,^ are in- 
cluded under the name of Flatheads by the Iroquois, 
who estimate them at over six thousand men, in 
more than thirty villages. I'm told they had for 
device a Vessel (un Yaisseau.), . . . 6000 

The Ontationoue," that is those who speak the language 
of Men; so called by the Iroquois because they 
understand each other — may be fifty men. I 
know nothing of themi, , . . .50 

The Miamis have for device the Hind and the Orane. 
These are the two principal Tribes. There is like- 
wise that of the Bear. They are two hundred men, 
bearing arms, ..... 200 

The Ontationoue," that is those who speak the language 
same JSTation, though in different villages. They 
can place under arms three hundred and fifty men. 
The devices of these Indians are the Serpent, the 
Deer, and the Small Acorn/' . . . 350 

Illinois. The Metchigamias at Fort Chartres, num- 
ber 250 men. ..... 250 

iThe Totire (Tutela) were a small western Virginia tribe, iden- 
tified by Powell as of Siouan stock. See U. S. Bur. Eth. Report, 1885- 
86. The English writers speak of them as on Big Sandy River in 
the latter years of the 17th century; and say that, about that time, 
they moved into North Carolina near the Southern tribes. Later, they 
joined the Tuscarora and were incorporated into the Six Nations. — Ed. 

2 The Tionnontate or Tobacco-Huron (more properly, Wyandot). 
In 17D3, a remnant of this once important tribe dwelt near the Miami. 
See Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, p. 224. — Ed. 

3 For a description of these villages, see Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, p. 
376.— Ed. 

[ 250 ] 


1736] French Regime in Wisconsin 

The Kaskakias, six leagues below, have a village of one 

hundred warriors, .... 100 

Ihe Peorias at the Rock, are fifty men, . . 50 

The Kaokias, or Tamarois, can furnish two hundred 

(men, . . . . . .200 

All these Indians comprehended under the name of Illinois^ 
have, for device, the Grane, the Bear, the White Hind, the 
ork, the Tortoise. 

Lake Erie; Detroit 

le Hurons at present are two hundred men, hearing 

arms. They mark the Tortoise, Bear, and Plover, 200 

The Pouteouatamis have a village there of one hundred 
and eighty men.^ They bear for device the Golden 
Carp, the Frog, the Crab, the Tortoisa (See 
River Saint Joseph, south of Lake Michigan,) .... 180 

The Ontawas have two villages there, composed of one of 
the tribe of Sinagos; the other of Kiskakons, and 
may count two hundred warriors, . . 200 

They have the same devices as those of Missilimlakinakl ; that 

is to say, the Bear and Black Squirrel. 

Lake Sai/rd Clair, which leads to Lake Huron 

At the end of the little Lake Saint Clair, there is a small 
village of Mississagues, which numbers sixty men. 
They have the same devices as the Mississagues of 
Manitouatin and Lake Ontario; that is to say, a 
Ctane, . . . . . .60 

Lake Huron. 
I have spoken before of the Mississagues who are to the 
N"orth of this Lake. On the South side, I know 
only the Olitawas, who have a village of eighty men 
at Saguinan, and for device the Bear and Squirrel, 80 

iNote appended to text: "Instead of 180, only 100 men must be 
counted." »„, 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvu 


All the I^atioTij? have this m eommoTi ; that a man who goes to 
war denotes himself as much by the device of his wife's as by 
that of his own tribe, and never marries a woman who carries 
a similar device to his. M 

If time permitted, yon would, Sir, have been better satisfied 
with my researches. 

I would have written to the Interpreters of the Posts, who 
would have furnished me with more certain information than I 
oould obtain from the Voyageurs whom I questioned. I am 
engaged in the history of the Scioux, which you have asked of 
Monsieur de Linerot [Linclot]. 




[Letter of Beauharnois and Hocquart to the French Minister, dated 
Oct. 14, 1736. MS. in archives of Minist§re des Colonies, Paris; press- 
mark, "Canada, Corresp. g6n., vol. 65, c. 11, fol. 81."] 

MoNSEiGNEUR — We have The honor to inform You that 
Monsieur De la E>onde who was instructed to work the Copper 
Mines on Lake Superior, came down from there in the month 
of August to report on his discoveries, and brought with him 
About 500 pounds of ore taken from two large masses of copper, 
one of which is at the Tbnnaganne Eiiver, and the other on the 
Shore of Lake Superior near the Piouabic River. ^ We have 
drawn up the annexed memorandum from what he has told ua 

iNow Iron River, in northern Michigan. The word Piouabic (Pewa- 
bic) signffies iron, the terms being in the 18th century used inter- 
changeably. Alexander Henry, in his Travels and Adventures (Bain 
ed., Boston, 1901), p. 187, refers to this as the "Piwatic or Iron River." 
Foster and Whitney, "Report on Copper Regions of Lake Superior," 
in United States Land Commissioner's Report, 1849, suggested Pewa- 
bic as the name of a town at the mouth of this river, and so laid it 
down on their map. A small village of that name is now in Houghton 
County, near the Pewabic mine. — Ed, 


1736] French Regime in Wisconsin 

respecting tlie situation of those mines, and everything con- 
nected therewith. From this You will be able to judge, Mon- 
seigneur, of the favorable Hopes to which this first attempt gives 
rise, and of the advantages that may be expected from the work- 
ing of those mines. Although, until now, there is nothing abso- 
lutely certain beyond the discovery of those two masses, there is 
every reason to believe that they are not the only ones And that, 
by digging at the Cape of the Piouabic Eiver, similar Masses 
will be found. All the savages assert that Copper is to be found 
at a great many Places on Lake Superior; from time to time 
they have brought pieces which they have given to Frenchmen 
and in particular to Father St. Pe, a Jesuit Missionary at Misr 
ftlimakinac.^ We consider that these discoveries cannot be too 
carefully followed up. But, in order to do so at present And 
with success, it is necessary to have The workman and The 
artificer asked for by Monsieur D© la Ponde. We beg, you, 
Monseigneur, to give orders that one be found. 

Annexed hereto is The Statement of the specimens of Copper 
from Tonnaganne And Piouabic which We will put on board 
the King's Ship and which Monsieur Hocquart will be careful 
to deliver to you, Monseigneur. 

We remain with very profound respect, Monseigneur, Your 
very humble and very obedient Servants 


Quebec, October 14th, 1736. Hocquart 

Statement of the specimens of Copper Sent to Monseigneur 
The Comte de Maurepas by The King's ship. 

ISr^ 1 Three small pieces from the Tonnaganne Mine. 
IST^ 2 Another small piece of ore of two colors, red, and 
white, from the said Tonnaganne Piver. 

N^ 3 Another small piece of Copper, or metal of some other 

1 Jean Bapfiste de Saint Po was born Oct. 21, 1686, entered the Jesuit 
novitiate at the age of seventeen, and later joined the Canada mission. 
His first station was among the Miamis, whence he was transferred 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voixvu 

kind which detached itself from the ore placed in the Crucible, 
and flew out of it during the melting, while an assay was being 
made by Monsieur Be la Konde. This small Ingot comes from 
the same Place aforesaid and from the same block of Copper 
mentioned in the memorandum of the said Sieur De la Ronde. 

1^° 4 . several specimens of the Soil or kind of Soil 
adhering and contiguous to the same block aforesaid. 

N^ A A large piece of ore, weighing About 110 pounds, 
marked A. on one of the faces, from the Piouabic River. 

Another Idem, weighing 65 pounds, also marked A, from the 
same Place. 

Several other Pieces, large and small, also from the Piouabic 
River, without any number. 

The Copper is in two cases, N"^ 7 & N"^ 8, which Monsieur 
de Beauhamois, Intendant, is to take out in order to Send them 
to Monseigneur. 



. [Letter from Beauharnois and Hocquart to the French Minister, 
dated Oct. 16, 1736. MS. in archives of Minist^re des Colonies, Paris; 
press-mark, "Canada, Corresp. g6n., vol. 66, c. 11, fol. 77."] 

Monseigneur — 'We have the honor to send you the List of 
the soldiers and other Subjects who have presented themselves 
last year and this year also to obtain the half pay/ We beg 
you to procure it for them. These are old soldiers who have 
done good service and who are all unable to subsist without that 
aid. With respect to Jacques Eeel, a habitant, as he is Crippled 
from the effects of the Wound that he received in 1Y33 in the 
war against the Renards and sakis. We trust, Monseigneur, that 

to Mackinac, 1735-36. After this he returned to Montreal, where he 
was resident superior (1748-54). Twice he served as superior of all 
Canada (1739-48. and again in 1754). — 'Ed. 

1 Marginal note on MS.: "Propose only the number necessary to 
replace those who died in previous years. Letter of May 2nd, 1735 
to Monsieur Hocquart." 


1736] French Regime in Wisconsin 

you will be pleased to allow him 10 livres per montli to help 
him in providing for himself. Moreover, such a reward will 
b© an encouragement to the other habitants whenever warlike 
expeditions are undertaken. 

We remain with very profound respect, Monseigneur, Your 
very humble and very obedient servants 

Quebec, October 16th, 1736. Hocquart 

Indorsed: "Received the 15th of April, 1737. The 16th of October, 
1736. Invalid Fund. Monsieur Hocquart." 


[Letter of Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated Oct. 17, 1736. 
Source, same as preceding document, but vol. 65, c. 11, fol. 142.] 

Monseigneur — I have Received the letter that you did me 
the honor of writing me on the Seventeenth of April last with 
Reference to The affair of the Renards and Sakis. 

I fully expected, Monseigneur, that the ill Success of that 
Expedition would not be agreeable to the King. ^Nevertheless, 
you Know that I took every Care to ensure a Successful result, 
and you were even pleased to write me on the nineteenth of 
April of last year that His Majesty had approved the orders that 
I had given to the Sieur Denoyelle, and the measures I had 

When I Informed you of The Condition of the Renards 
after the Attack made On Them by the Sieur de Villiers, I 
stated Kothing, Monseigneur, beyond what Had been written to 
me from all the Posts of the upper country;^ and I have since 

1 Father le Roullenger, Jesuit missionary among the Illinois, wrote 
to the Minister in 1736: "The court was deceived when it was in- 
formed that the Renards were destroyed. 1st. In the colony of Canada 
they have incurred more expenses than are necessary to destroy the 
Renards; but they have treated them too gently, and this management 
has only served to augment the expenses, and to render this nation 
more insolent. 2nd. In order to succeed, the natives of the two colo- 
nies of Canada and Louisiana must be united, .^d. Nothing must be - 

[ 255 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voLxvii 

learned that The increase in the number which I Had the honor 
of mentioning to Yon as being that of the Renards Remaining 
at that time, Was due to the fact that all the Savages who had 
Eenards Slaves, had Returned them, and that the tribes sup- 
plied them with guns and ammunition. 

You may imagine, Monseigneur, that the Savages have their 
policy as we have Ours, and that they are not greatly pleased 
at seeing a nation destroyed, for Fear that their turn may come. 

They manifest Much ardor towards the French, and act quite 
differently We have had a Recent proof of T^is among the 
Outawois, who have begged for mercy for the Sakis, although 
they Had an Interest in Avenging the death of their people and 
of their great chief. 

The Savages as a rule greatly fear the French, but they do 
not love them. All that they manifest towards them is N'ever 

You will Observe, Monseigneur, in the Reply to the King's 
Memorial of one thousand Seven Hundred and thirty four, that 
the Sieur Denoyelle had orders to pass by Detroit to levy the 
hurons and other Savages at that post ; and that I had ordered 
him, in His Instructions respecting the request of the Outawois, 
to grant the Sakis their Lives if they delivered up the Renards 
to him. He had also orders to consult there with Monsieur 
Peau, the other Officers, and the tribes, respecting the measures 
to be taken in accordance with the information he might have. 
He was extremely Embarrassed by the question put to him at the 
Council, by the Hurons asking whether he had orders to destroy 
the Sakis with the Renards, and saying that otherwise they 

concealed from the savages. If the Iroquois had known, that it was 
desired to pardon the Sakis, they would not have marched; or they 
would not have been the cause of a division such as that which caused 
Monsieur de Noyelles's enterprise to fail. 4th. Soldiers are in no wise 
suitable for a march of six months by land. Incapable of providing 
their own subsistence, they are a charge upon the savages, which 
gives rise to complaints. For such expeditions, only Canadians, 
accustomed to this kind of journeys, should be employed." — 'Ferland, 
Cours d'Histoire du Canada (Quebec, 1865), ii, p. 441. — Ed. 



1733] French Regime in Wisconsin 


fwould not march. He told them Without other Explanation, 
That he had orders to Eat up both nations. He Detached two 
canoes to Send word to the Sienr De Celeron who commanded 
at Missilimakinac, and to indicate a Eendezvons to Him. He 
left Detroit to go to the Miamis, and Afterward to the Ouya- 
tanons in order to Keep the Savages away from the River St 
Joseph where Six cabins of Sakis had taken Eefnge. As soon 
as the hnrons arrived among the T\ickapoiix they held a council 
with the Iroquois, and said to the Sieur Denoyelle: "Thou 
hast told us that We should eat the Sakis and the Eenards. 
There are Salds at the River St Joseph; we will begin by de- 
stroying these." In vain did he Remonstrate with the hurons, 
and tell them the orders he had received; they Would listen 
to nothing and departed from him in that fashion. 

It was not, Monseigneur, the Passage through the country 
of the miamis that caused the hurons to abandon Him. Tbe 
Sole reason was that which I have just had the honor of giving 
You ; for it was our settled Savages who asked that they might 
pass by the lakes that they might more easily procure Food 
along the Road. The Provisions that we give them previous 
to their departure when they go to war, are left by them at the 
Village for the Subsistence of their families, and this cannot 
be Prevented. Moreover, before leaving la Chine, they had 
agreed to pass through the country of the miamis in order to 
induce them to join the expedition. They chanted the war- 
song with Them at that Place, and it was the miamis whom the 
Sienr Denoyelle had brought with him to Montreal who were 
the first to strike the Post at that feast. 

If the Sieur Denoyelle did not induce the Savages to march 
with him, it may be due to the Voyageurs, who no doubt 
Secretly dissuaded them from it for their own Interests, as has 
happened several times. 

This Affair does not appear, Monseigneur, to have had any 
regrettable results. On the contrary, tbe Collar given to the 
Sakis on my behalf by the Sieur Denoyelle, has had all The 
effect I could have Hoped. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

The Sieur De St Pierre, the conunandant among the Scioux, 
and Father Guignas, the missionary of that Post, Wrote me on 
the tenth and eleventh of April last that Onabasseban or le 
Chat blan, the great Chief of the Sakis, Had Come to tell 
them on the first of the same month that the Renards Were 
about to divide Themselves into several war parties, and attack 
on all sides, since they had no longer any Hope of their Lives ; 
that all that he coidd obtain from them Was that they should 
suspend Their Expeditions Until his return ; that afterward they 
would act according to the good or bad tidings he might bring 
them; that as for Him and His people, they had EiCsolved to 
fieparate from that desperate nation. 

The Sieur De St Pierre Eeplied to him: "Since the Sakis 
'Axe the cause of the Eenards Still Being in a Condition to 
give trouble because they have not abandoned them, you should 
now Prevent Them from Carrying out their evil design, and 
Induce Them to remain quiet Until Onontio, to whom I Shall 
Write, has made Known His Intentions." 

A proposal was made to the Sieur De St Pierre to let them 
form Villages partly with the Puants in whom they had con- 
fidence and partly with the Sakis, that then there would no 
longer be any question of the Renards. Le Moyne, the Sakis 
chief who is faithful to the French and Onnontate, a !N"ipi&- 
fiingue chief. Came down to bring me this IsTews. They asked 
me what my plans were and I sent them Back saying that I 
Was a good Father who forgave his Children when they asked 
for mercy; that I Willingly granted the Sakis Their Lives, 
because I Was informed that what they had done was solely 
through the solicitation of the Renards; that I also wished to 
have pity on the Renards And to grant them their Lives, since 
the Sakis asked me to pardon Them, but only on condition that 
they should disperse among the nations, and that no mention 
should Ever be made of the name of the Renards, who had so 
often Disturbed the earth. This, Monseigneur, was the best 
line of conduct that I could follow with respect to that post) 
which the Sieur De St Pierre had written to me they would 
be obliged to abandon, and that there Was danger in driving 

[ 258 ] 

i736] French Regime in Wisconsin 

the Eenards to despair because the Scioiix intended to give them 
an Asylrnn. The unfortunate affair of Monsieur Dartaguiette, 
which has made All the Savages still more Insolent than they 
were, has contributed, in no slight degree, to induce me to take 
this decision/ 

The Sieur De Lusignan,^ the commandant at the River St 
Joseph, Wrote me on the eighth of July last that the Sakis with, 
their women and Children Had started on the first of the Same 
month to Come to his post to beg for their lives. By another 
Letter v.)f the same Date, he informed me that he had learned 
from His Savages that the Renards had entered into an alliance 
"with some of the Prairie Scioux on The other side of the Mi&- 
sissipi. I have Had the honor of conveying this information 
in the King's memorial. 

I think, Monseigneur, that when they Learn the Reply that 
I gave to le Moyne and to onnontate they will leave the Scioux 
(if they Are with Them) to form villages with the Puants and 
the Sakis. 

By a third letter of the twenty fifth of July, the Sieur De 
lusignan informs me that the Sakis came to the River St Joseph 
on the nineteenth of the same month; that they came to His 

1 Beauharnois here refers to the defeat and capture in March, 1736, 
of a Frencn detachment from the posts of the Wabash and the Illinoi*', 
who were on their way to second the expedition of Bienville from 
Louisiana against the Chickasaw. Pierre D'Artaguette was the leader 
of the northern division of the army, which having failed to make 
a junction with the main body, attacked the Chickasaw with disas- 
trous results. Twenty-two French were taken prisoners, among 
others the commander, the Jesuit missionary Senat, Vincennes, one 
of the Sieurs de St. Ange, and other officers, most of whom were tor- 
tured and burned at the stake. — Ed. 

i^Paul Louis Dazenard, Sieur de Lusignan, was born in 1691, and 
being made ensign in the colonial troops in 1724, served long and ar- 
duously, obtaining a lieutenancy in 1735, and a captaincy in 1744. 
After coranianding at River St. Joseph, 1735-39, he was among the 
Sioux in 1745; in charge of Fort Frederic, 1755; and at the post of 
danger, Fort Carillon (Ticonderoga), 1757-58. Later (1759), he com- 
manded at Isle aux Noix, and was. at St. John in 1760.— Ed. 

IT [259] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xth 

fort, quite naked and in tears, to offer him a Calumet and to beg 
for their Lives; that they Were Followed by the Chiefs and 
elders of the Po;utouatamis, Jlinois, Miamis, And Outawois 
who had Gone to meet Them and take them Food, because one 
of their People had come to tell them that they had none. He 
adds that they have Established themselves at The Place that 
he pointed out to them, Between the Poutouatamis, Miamis and 
Jlinois Villages, and that they asked him> leave to go down to 
Montreal next spring to beg for mercy. He has Sent me their 
Words and His Answers. 

The IJTations Established On the bank of the Missouris who 
last year Joined five or Six hundred Savages And French Voy- 
ageurs, have all Gone home Without having done anything. 

I Remain vdth very profound Respect, Monseigneur, Your 
very humble and very obedient Servant, 

Quebec, October 17th, 1736. 


[Extracts from the yearly memorial of the king in reply to tha 
report of the governor and intendant. Transcript from N. Y. Colon. 
Docs., ix, pp. 1059, 1060.] 

His Majesty has learned with pleasure that Captain Des- 
noyelles' expedition against the Foxes and Sacs in 1735 has 
not been attended by any bad consequences. As he causes his 
intentions regarding those Indians to be fully explained to the 
Marquis de Beauharnois, he will content himself here to recom- 
mend him to conform thereto. 

He hopes to learn that the Chaouanons will have kept the 
promise they gave Sieur Joncaire, the commandant in their 
country, to come down this spring to Montreal, to hear the 
Marquis de Beauharnois discourse on their migration. It is 
probable that, should they determine on that course, they will 
easily be persuaded to settle at Detroit; and that it is very 

[260] J 

1737} French Regime in Wisconsin 

desirable, so as to protect the fidelity of these Indians against 
the insinuations of the English. But the delay they interpose 
to that movement induces his Majesty to apprehend that the 
Marquis de Beauhamois will meet with more difficulties than 
he had anticipated, and that the English, with whom his Maj- 
esty is informed they trade, had made sufficient progress among 
them to dissuade them therefrom. However that may be, 
Sieur de Beauhamois should neglect nothing to accomplish that 
removal; and this object deserves now the more attention by 
reason of the settlement which a party of Cherakis and Chicka- 
chas has made on the river Oio, as Sieur de Beauhamois must 
be aware. 

His Majesty is satisfied with his explanations respecting hia 
determination in 1Y34 not to press the affair that occurred 
among the Ouiatanons, and to be content with the pardon these 
Indians demanded of him. A mild and moderate policy is 
always preferable, when it can be pursued without affecting the 
honor of the Kation and the glory of His Majesty's arms. But 
there are occasions when it may be absolutely necessary not to 
Btop short, and when such policy may be accompanied by very 
unfortunate consequences. It is for Sieur de Beauhamois to 
decide on the course he is to adopt in occurring circumstances, 
and his Majesty cannot but rely on his zeal and prudence. 
As respects the Scioux; according to what the commandant 
and Missionary at that post have written to Sieur de Beau- 
hamois, relative to the dispositions of these Indians, nothing 
appears to be wanting on that point. But their delay in com- 
ing down to Montreal since the time they promised to do so, 
must render their sentiments somewhat suspected, and nothing 
but facts can determine whether their fidelity can be absolutely 
relied on. But what must still further increase the uneasiness 
to be entertained in their regard, is the attack on the convoy 
of M. de la Veranderie,^ especially if this officer has adopted 

iThe Sioux attacked on June 8, 173(>, a party of twenty-one French 
sent by Sieur de la V6rendrye, in charge of his oldest son, to convey 
the Jesuit missionary, Aulneau, to Mackinac, and massacred the entire 

[ 261 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. 


the course he had informed the Marquis de Beauhamois he 
should take, to have revenge therefor. His Majesty will wait 
imipatiently Sieur de Beauhamois' report of what shall have 
been done on that subject, and is, meanwhile, persuaded that 
he will have adopted such measures as will have appeared 
to him the most suitable for the public service. 
Versailles, May 10th, 1737. 


[Extracts from the yearly report of Beauharnois. MS. in archives 
of MinistSre des Colonies, Paris; press-mark, "Canada, Corresp. g§n., 
vol. 67, c. 11, fol. 139."] 

Copper Mines. This year we have no Interesting Beport to 
make to His Majesty with reference to the 
copper mines. The son of the Sieur de la Ronde merely wrote 
to the Sieur de Beauhamois that he had endeavored to approach 
the alleged Island of copper in his batteau, But that stress of 
Weather had compelled him to put into port, his Sail having 
been Tom by a Squall. 

The Sieur La Ronde, the Elder, who left for his Post in the 
month of may, wrote us from sault Ste Marie at the Entrance 
of Lake superior that he was waiting for the miners that are 
to be sent him and he promises that if they arrive we shall 
receive Information next year of everytbing connected with the 
Mines. A few Days after the arrival of the King's Ship we 
sent the Forsters, father and son, to Missilimakinac. They 
will pass the winter at that Post and next Spring They wiU be 
in a Pbsition to proceed to the point of Chagouamigon under 
the orders of the Sieur La Ronde. We have written that officer 
to make a profitable Use of them, to make them inspect the 
various Places where be has discovered copper mines and to 

party. This took place on an island in the Lake of the Woods, seven 
leagues from Fort St. Charles. For the life and letters of Father 
Aulneau, see Jes. Reh, Ixviii. — Ed. 


7371 French Regime in Wisconsin 

Jonier with them in regard to what is proper to do for the 
; success of His Undertaking. At the same time we Explained 
x> him how greatly It was to his Interest to act promptly. If 
he Tonnagane mine can he Worked, the peace jnst concluded 
"oetweeni the CWstinaiix and the Sautenx of la pointe is of the 
greatest advantage as regards the peaceful exploitation of the 
mines. But with respect to this circumstance as well as to all 
others connected with those Mines, We hope that the Sieur de 
la Eonde will, next year, place us in a Position to send An 
accurate Eieport thereof to his Majesty. We cannot at present 
compel him to build a second Bark at Detroit, as he bound him- 
self to do. Until he is more certain of the success of his Enter- 
prise. He would thereby be forced to incur Expense which he 
would be unable to meet and which, moreover, would be abso- 
lutely Useless should his success not equal his Hopes. 


The Sieurs de Beauhamois and hocquart have received the 
Edict his Majesty has been pleased to issue in favor of the 

Coureurs de bois. This Edict has been 
Amnesty for the Begistered in the records of the Council 
Coureurs de bois. and published in the usual manner. They 

have sent Copies thereof to all the Posts 
of the upper country so that all who are interested may be 
informed of the same. They will be careful to see that the new 
prohibitions against the coureurs de bois Are Enforced. 


The Benards and Sakis have not struck a blow since the 

affair of the Sieur Des ISToyelles. Ota the contrary they have 

always begged for their lives since Then and 

Benards and have again asked the same this year through the 

Sakis. Outaouacs, sinayos, Kiskaoons,^ the Poutoiiata- 

mis of the river St Joseph, the folles avoines, 

and the Puants who came down to Montreal. 

1 These belonged to Ottawa clans; see Wis. Hist. Colls., xvl, pp. 30, 
120.— Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. 


The Ciiaoiianons must have gone on an embassy to Detroit 
this year. Their departure was delayed solely owing to the 
fact that they were waiting for the Kiliskouakis, 
Ohaoiianons Their allies, who were bringing themj Porcelain.* 
They caused themselves to be announced by means 
of two branches of Porcelain whereof Mekinac, the great chief 
of the Outaouacs was the bearer. 

Ouiatanons The Sieur de Beauhamois Has nothing to add 
to the report he made last year with regard to the 
Ouiatanons. Gentle measures have bad a good Effect as that 
nation has not ceased to wage war against the Chicachas. 

The post in the sioux country has been EVacuated by the 
Sieur de St Pierre. Tbe sioux struck the sauteux of the point 
of Chagoiiamigon in the month of May. The sauteux 
Sioux raised a band to avenge the Blow struck at them. They 
Induced the puants to take part in their quarrel; 
this compelled the Sieur de St Pierre to abandon his Post and 
to bum the fort 

The Sieur de la Verandeire has come down to Montreal and 

reports that the Cristinaux, assiniboils and 

Cristinaux, Monsonis savages started at the melting of 

Assiniboils, etc. the Snows to Avenge the blow struck at the 

French last year. 
Iroquois The sonontouans are to come down to Montreal 
next Spring. 


[Letter of Hocquart to the French Minister, dated Oct 7, 1737. Source, 
same as preceding document, but fol. 808.] 

MoNSEiGNETTR — ^I am replying alone to the Letter you did 
us the honor of writing to us jointly on April 16 last with 
reference to Detroit Monsieur de Beauhamois will do like- 
wise and we have made an agreement to that effect. I have 

1 Probably this was one of the Shawnee tribes, which is ordinarily 
called Kiskapocke.— Ed. 


1737] French Regime in Wisconsin 

comni(unioatcd to him ail the contents of this Letter which I 
had drafted as a Joint Letter. 

The concessions granted at that post are in Truth an Induce- 
ment to the habitants to till the Land better than they have 
hitherto done, But, Monseigneur, you cannot expect any marked 
progress unless a strong garrison is posted there. At the be- 
ginning it should consist of at least 60 men with a stationary 
commandant, a second in command, a third officer, a fourth 
officer to act as Adjutant, so that there may be some regularity 
in the service. This is the only way to make ourselves re- 
spected by the savages whose Minds are being turned every 
Day through their frequent communications with the Eiiglish 
to whom they are attracted by the cheapness of the Goods for 
which they trade with them, and by the Brandy which is 
abundantly distributed to them. On the other hand, the beaver 
trade, which for a long time to cjome will still be the most valu- 
able source of profit, will be destroyed unless we endeavor to 
control the savages by fear, to which should be added presents, 
the better to attach them to us. 

Of those 60 soldiers in garrison some will settle on the Spot 
every year and become good habitants. And they, with such 
voyageurs as may likewise settle there, will in a few years con- 
stitute a good militia force capable of Overawing the Savages 
and opposing the Enterprises the English might some day At- 
tempt against that Post — which is the central point of the upper 
country and will be capable of rendering assistance to all the 
posts, and of preventing interruption of communication between 
this Colony and that of Louisiana. We have jointly represented 
the necessity of increasing the number of troops to form fresh 
Garrisons and to strengthen the old ones. Such increase is of 
the greatest importance both as regards the safety of the coun- 
try and the Interests of good order, the maintenance of author- 
ity and strict police in the Interior of the Colony. 

It is true that there are but few regular troops in new Eng- 
land, but Insubordination and Independence reign there, an 
evil to be foreseen and Avoided in the [French] Colonies espe- 
cially in this one where the population is beginning to be 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

numerous and Las been allowed to live with a little too much 

The proposed plan, according to what you write us, would 
for the present consist merely in Placing a stationary com- 
mandant there. To me it seems certain that the officer ap- 
pointed on that footing and for whom you would obtain some 
favor from the King might to some extent contribute to the 
increase of that Establishment by his Example, his care and 
his efforts to urge the people to till the Soil; But he will not 
succeed in increasing the number of families or at least he will 
experience very great difficulty in doing so. Soldiers alone 
began the Establishment of Detroit when Monsieur de La 
Mothe Cadillac commanded there, and they alone can maintain 
it at present. The majority of the Voyageurs are too busy and 
too fond of Trading to allow us to hope of their settling there 
and devoting themselves to the cultivation of the Soil. 

A commandant at Detroit as that Post is at present Estab- 
lished could not live there unless he carried on some trade. 
We cannot help permitting him to do so and in such case he 
extends it according to his industry. 

We might farm out Detroit and even derive a profit of from 
3000 to 4000 livres per annum by allowing the farmer to sell 
all the Brandy he wished. In such case he would undertake to 
piay all the present expenses of the post. But such a step 
would entail other Drawbacks Equally detrimental to the growth 
of Detroit. The farmer would be at liberty to put such price 
upon goods as he might think proper ; the old residents who are 
beginning to cultivate their Lands would soon decide to abandon 
them, And it is certain that they would not be replaced by 
others. For the same reason the Savages would take a dislike 
to trading with the French. Finally freedom of Trade is 
absolutely necessary at the beginning of Establishments of 
that Kind, and the one proposed herein is the only plan I deem 
suitable for the carrying out of your Intentions. 

At present the garrison of Detroit consists of 17 soldiers; 
the Sieur De Koyelles has to carry thither their pay and uni- 


737] French Regime in Wisconsin 

■onus and is bound to defray the ordinary Expenses of the 

I Post. 

■ Jit devolves upon Monsieur de Beauharnois to submit to you 
le name of the officer whom he deems most suitable for the 
ippointment as well as the rank that should be given him. 
[ had spoken to him of Monsieur Peau who commanded at 
Detroit for three years to the satisfaction of the savages and of 
the French, and to whom His Majesty should give the rank of 
King's Lieutenant. 

You will see, Monseigneur, by this plan that it would cost 
the King 6250 livres per annum for the proposed establishment, 
while the Commandant and officers would be forbidden to carry 
on any Trade. 

There is one consideration that may become of Importance 
&a regards the savages if the plan be carried out It would be 
advisable to send a reinforcement of ten soldiers only to Detroit 
the first year; of ten more in the second, and so on in the fol- 
lowing years until the number of 60 is reached so as not to 
cause Uneasiness amongst the savages established at the Post 
who are naturally suspicious. In that case there would be a 
reduction in the item of 3000 livres shown in the draft in con- 
nection with the Transport of the pay and uniforms of the 
Garrison. [ 

1 remain with the most profound respect, Monseigneur, 
Your very humble and very obedient servant 

Quebec, October 7th, 1737. HocQUART 

[Extracts from a letter from Beauharnois to the French Minister, 
dated Oct. 14, 1737. Source, same as preceding document, but fol. 



On his arrival the Sieur De St Pierre handed me a Eeport 
on what has happened at the post in the scioux country.^ I 

1 See next document. — Ed. 

[ 267 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

take tlie liberty, Monseigneur, of Sending It to you. You will 
see that there is no likelihood of its ever being possible to have 
any Trade with that Nation and that he acted properly in 
abandoning his fort ; they [the garrison] would have Been Ex- 
posed daily to danger of perishing. It would be a great boon 
if we could destroy them [the Sioux] because they occupy the 
finest Hunting grounds. That officer assured me that if the 
Cristinaux, Monsonis, and Assiniboils had waged War Against 
Them last winter they would have defeated them all ; that they 
expected this, and nearly died of hunger because they were 
afraid to hunt. 

The Sieur De St Pierre told me that all the Attentions shown 
Them by the scioux in the spring of last year and The Eager- 
ness they displayed to have Frenchmen amongst Them to supply 
their wants. Were intended solely to divert suspicion from the 
blow they were meditating/ He added that when the Sieur 
De la Verendrye, the younger, Was at the head of the Mon- 
sonis, CWstinaux, and Assiniboils, after he had refused to lead 
them those ]N"ations Went Against the Seioux of the woods 
instead of the Maskoutins Poiianes, in order to Bring the 
French into their party.^ 

I am greatly mortified, Monseigneur, at your not approving 
my nomination of the Sieur De I^oyelles to the post of Com- 
mandant of Detroit. Had I known your intentions sooner I 
would have Sent another. I cannot however, Monseigneur, 
Refrain from representing to you that that officer is generally 
liked by all the French and savages, and that I have reason to 

1 The reference here, is to the attack on La V6rendrye's men at the 
Lake of the Woods. — Ed. 

2 Two years before the massacre (1736), the younger La Verendrye 
had joined a war-party of the Cree and Assiniboin against the Sioux. 
In the council he was proclaimed leader, an honor which he refused, 
and took no part in the hostilities. It was thought, nevertheless, that 
his massacre was an act of revenge on the part of the Sioux. The 
"Maskoutins Poiianes" were the Prairie Sioux (Maskoutepoels). See 
Jones, AuJneau Collection (Montreal, 1893), pp. 76, 94.-^ Ed. 

[ 268 ] 

1737] French Regime in Wisconsin 

Be very well satisfied with the reports he sends me. In addi- 
tion to his zeal for the service, he possesses an Eminent quality, 
that is disinterestedness, — a quality so necessary, especially at 
that Place, that I thought I could not do better. 

I have Considered, Monseigneur, what you have been pleased 
to write me regarding His Majesty's views with reference to 
that post. I will take the Liberty of expressing my Ideas in a 
private Despatch. 

I will continue, Monseigneur, to give my best attention in 
the Selection I shall make of the Commandants to be Sent to 
the Posts. 

I remain etc. 

Quebec, October 14th, 1737. 


[Letter of St. Pierre to Beauharnois. Translated from a transcript in 
Margry, Decouv. et etahl., vi, pp. 575-580.] 

Belation of the sievr de Saint Pierre, commandant of the 
post in the Sioux country, appended to the letter of Monsieur, 
the marquis de Beauharnois. 

14th October, 1737. 

On the 6th of May, 1736, fifty four Sioux warriors passed 
in front of the fort, where a portion of them stopped. The 
sieur de Saint Pierre asked them whither they were going. 
They told him that they were taking back a female slave be- 
longing to the Puans, who had sought refuge amongst them. 
He said that it did not require so many men to take charge of 
one woman. They replied that they were going to hunt turkeys, 
in order to get feathers for their arrows. The Puans did their 
best to stop them. They continued their route, and meeting 
two Frenchmen at the little River of the Illinois in the Mis- 
sissipi country, they killed and scalped them. While the sieur 
de Saint Pierre was erecting another fort, about 25 leagues 

[ 269 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

higher up than the first, they passed on their way hack and 
danced the scalp dance for four days without saying to what 
nation the men belonged whom they had killed. The Puans 
found it out and notified the French in the fort. 

They heard of the defeat of the French of the post of de la 
Verenderie^ on the 23rd of Augiist 1736, by two canoes of 
Saulteux of la Pbinte who brought letters from the sieurg 
ISTolan, Legras, and Bourassa.^ They told them that the major- 
ity of those who had struck the blow were Sioux of the woods 
and that only five Sioux of the Prairies were with them. 
When the French heard this news, they kept on their guard. 

Oil the 16th of September, the Sioux came to the fort, to 
the number of ten men, three being chiefs with a Flag, two little 
girl slaves, 57 livres of dried beaver flesh, and nine deer-skins, 
which they delivered to the sieur de Saint Pierre saying that 
they had not taken any part in the attack on the French at 
the Western post, and by that word they begged him to con- 
tinue to give them what they needed for the subsistence of their 
families. He replied that he would grant their request until 
lie had news from the great Onontio; that he had nothing to 
say to them, except that he would inform Onontio of the step 
they were taking in sending him their word ; that he could not 
rely on them after what they had done. He also spoke to 
them of the two Frenchmen whom they had killed on the Mis- 

On the following day, there came with three young men a 
chief who had a silver seal hanging from his ear. The sieur de 

iSee ante, pp. 261, 262. — Ed. 

2 These were well-known voyaguers and Indian traders. Jean Bap- 
tiste Nolan was a merchant of Montreal, who had two sons; probably 
this one was Charles, born 1694, died 1754. Daniel Legras, the son 
of Jean, was interpreter for the king; he was bom in 1698, and mar- 
ried at Kaskaskia, 111. There were a number of voyageurs by the name 
of Bourassa, but the most noted was R§n6, born in 1688, who settled 
at Mackinac, and whose daughter Charlotte was the wife of Wiscon- 
sin's first settler, Charles Langlade. Bourassa brought news of the 
massacre of the French to Quebec. See Jones, Aulneau Collection, pp. 
93, 94.— Ed. 

[ 270 ] 

1737] French Regime in Wisconsin 

Saint Pierre perceiving it, asked him where he had got it; the 
chief did not reply, and began to laugh. The officer tore off 
the seal with the ear, telling him he was very bold to appear 
before him with such a thing, and had him turned out of the 

On the 18th of December, they [the Sioux] arrived to the 
number of thirty six men with their families. The young 
ji men went ahead, and set fire to the fort of the P^ans. The 
rfticfur de Saint Pierre asked Ouakantape whether he was not 
content with having struck two foul blows at the French, with- 
out also coming to insult them in their fort by burning that of 
the Puans, their brothers. He replied that what he was doing 
was done after reflection and designedly. Then they pulled 
up the stakes in Reverend Father Guignas's garden, burned 
them, and went away. 

On the 24th of January, 1737, at eight o'clock in the morning 
while the gates of the fort were open to allow of wood being 
carried in, forty Sioux entered all al; once. xMthough he had 
no previous knowledge of this, when the sieur de Saint Pierre 
was informed of it, he had the gates closed and said to them : 
*'Ho\v came you to enter here in such great numbers without 
warning, and what is your design ? You must remember that 
I told you last autumn I would not receive more than ten of 
you at a time. If you have anything to say to me I will not 
listen to you until you have sent out all your young men." 
This they did; after which they proposed to him to urge the 
traders to give them credit. He replied that he would not do 
so, because he could not forget the foul blows they had struck ; 
that, nevertheless, if the traders wished to be so good to them, 
he would not prevent them. The Sioux said amongst them- 
selves: ^^We are forty to twenty; all we have to do is to pil- 
lage.'' On hearing this, he had them put out, and they all 
went away. 

On the 18th or 20th of March, the Sioux, to the number of 
thirty men, encountered in the interior at the head of Lake 
Superior a Salteanx with his wife and two children all of whom 
they killed and scalped. When the Saulteux heard of this, 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

they raised a band to attack them, and arrived at the sieur de 
Saint Pierre's post on the 21st of May. They went to the 
Puans to engage them in their quarrel. The sieur de Saint 
Pierre did all he could to prevent their attacking the Sioux, 
saying that they exposed the French to be massacred because, 
as they had come to the fort, it would look as if the latter had 
induced them to make the attack ; that if, on the contrary, they 
had all taken a roundabout way, the Sioux might have thought 
that the attack was made by warriors who had started from 
their village for the purpose of avenging themselves. They 
promised him that they would go back the next day. They 
did not do so, at the request of the Puans who stopped them. 
During their stay five Sioux arrived, and entered the French 
fort to trade. The French warned them that a band of Saul- 
teux had come to avenge the blow inflicted on them. At night 
they asked to escape, and the gate of the fort was opened for 
them. The Saulteux, who were aware of this, lay in ambush 
for them on the way. One of the band who spoke Sioux, asked : 
'^Who are you?" A Sioux recognizing the Saulteux's voice, 
fired a gun at him, and broke his wrist They escaped through 
the woods. 

Oil the following day, the Saulteux started early in the 
morning to return home. Two hours after their departure, 
twenty five Sioux arrived, who were informed by the Puana 
of what had occurred. The Sioux wished to run after the 
Saulteux; the sieur de Saint Pierre opposed it. A Saulteux 
who had married amongst the Puans started to go and warn 
them of the arrival of the twenty five Sioux. The Saulteux 
retraced their steps, went to the Puans and they all resolved to 
destroy them. Le Grelot, the chief of the Puans, told a French- 
man who was in their village to warn the sieur de Saint Pierre 
of what was going on ; but the warriors had already started, and 
he could not frustr?.te their design. He notified seventeen 
Sioux, who were in his fort of the plot that was being hatched 
against them, and told them to put their canoes in safety, and 
to warn the eight men who were outside. Four issued from 
the fort to go to their people and to the canoes ; they found the 

[ 272 ] 

737] French Regime in Wisconsin 


Puans and Saulteux breaking them up. After this act, they 
fired on the Sioux, broke the thigh of one who fired a gun-shot 
through the body of a Saulteux and killed him. The Saulteux 
cut him to pieces. The Sioux fled through the woods. The 
Saulteux came to the fort and asked the sieur de Saint Pierre 
for the thirteen Sioux who were there. He replied that he 
did not give up people who took refuge with him. He kept 
them for two days, and then had them escape at night. The 
Puans came to tell the sieur de Saint Pierre that they could 
no longer remain near their enemies; that the Saulteux had 
urged them to commit this evil deed, and at the same time they 
all left with the Saulteux. 

After the departure of the Ptians the sieur de Saint Pierre 
held a council with the sieur de Linctot, his second in command, 
Reverend Father Gnignas,^ and the French in the post to decide 
what they should do. They told him that there was nothing 
else to be done but to abandon the post, bum the fort, and 
escape, because they ran the risk of being any day massacred 
J)y the Sioux. He said that his advice was to stay; and that 
lie could not think that after the favor they had done the nation 
in preventing those who were in the affray with the Puans and 
Saulteux from being killed, they would be evil-minded enough 
to do them any harm; and moreover that it was their interest 
to remain. They replied that they would rather sacrifice their 

iTKe taLe of Father Guignas had for several years been a cause 
for anxiety among his Jesuit brethren. Father Nau wrote in 1734: 
"The war is still carried on against what remains of the Renard na- 
tion, and against the other tribes which have taken them under their 
protection. Father Guignas was not taken, as it was feared, but he 
has had much to suffer, for nothing can be sent him safely. For two 
consecutive years the provisions sent him have fallen into the enemy's 
hands." Aulneau in 1735 wrote: "We are much afraid that father 
Guignas has been taken and burned by a tribe of savages called the 
rSnards; but in this unfortunate country we should set little value 
on our lives which are so often in peril." And again some weeks 
later: "We received, a few days ago, news of father Guignas; since 
1732 he had not been heard from. He is in a helpless state. The 
hunger he has had to endure, the imminent danger to which he hai» 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

goods than their lives; and this compelled the said sieur de 
Saint Pierre to evacuate the post on the 30th of the month of 


[Extract from a letter from Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated 
Oct. 16, 1737, giving news of the conditions at the various posta. 
MS. in archives of MinistSre des Colonies, Paris; press-mark, "Canada, 
Corresp. g6n., vol. 67, c. 11, fol. 180."] 


The Sieur Dfe Vercheres,^ the Commandant at Missilmak- 
inac, Wrote me on the 27th of last Jvme that in the Vicinity of 
his fort there were nearly thirty coureurs de hois armed with 
Swords, guns, and Pistols wherewith to fight those who might 

been continually exposed, of being massacred by the sakis and th» 
renards, and numberless other hardships, borne heroically, have 
brought him so low, that even the savages, who have little pity for 
us, are forced to look upon him with feelings of compassion. Wo 
are, however, in the impossibility of attempting anything for his re^ 
lief, owing to the scarcity of missionaries." Father Nau wrote Oct. 2, 
1735: "Father Guignas is in the Sioux country at a little french 
fort with but six men with Him. Scarcely a month ago The marquia 
de Beauharnois, governor-general of new france, sent twenty-two meu 
in four canoes with supplies of which he stood absolutely in need, 
for The Sioux refuse to provide for Him. It is not at all certain that 
The relief-party will reach him without molestation, their route lying 
close to the country of the renards." Jes. Rel., Ixviii, pp. 233, 255, 257, 
281.— Ed. 

1 Jean Jarret, Sieur de Verch^res, was born in 1687, and must there- 
fore have been a child when his sister Madeleine so bravely defended 
her father's fort against the Iroquois (1696). He was ensign in 1710 
and in 1747 had earned the following enconium: "A worthy officer, 
who has often commanded in the upper posts, and has acquitted him' 
self so well that he has always been employed by the General, when 
ever his services were required." He was sent at that date to com 
mand at La Baye, and to assist in putting down the rebellion at 
Mackinac. In 1750 he was given the cross of St. Louis; and in 17?2 
was in command at Fort Frontenac, dying the same year. — Ed. 


737] French Regime in Wisconsin 

)ppose their passage; that those people had many Savages on 
heir side, and that as he Is not strong enough to stop them, he 
muses a careful watch to be kept. He writes that nothing that 
^le could say would represent the Fact as bad as It is. 

I Had determined, Monseigneur, to ask you for an Amnesty 
.for Them, solely in consequence of what you had done me The 
honor of writing to me last year, that His Majesty was to Send 
Troops to this Colony. I intended to garrison the Posts with 
them, and to have these Coureurs de Bois sent down after the 
Proclamation. I think however that many will Eetum, when 
they Hear of the pardon that His Majesty has Granted them/ 
The Outawais, Sinagos, and Kiskacous, with the folles 
avoines, Poutouatamis, and Puants, came down this Year. 
The Outawais asked that the lives of the Sakis be spared, and 
so did a Chief whose brother had been killed by that nation. 
The Poutouatamis made the same request of me, and the folles 
avoines for the Renards, although they have always Been their 
most Cruel Enemies, saying to me that all the Evil Hearts 
Had been destroyed. The Puants joined with them in this 
request. I assembled them all in a Council, and said to them: 
"My Children, since you ask me for the Lives of the Renards 
and Sakis, and assure me that all the Evil hearts have Been 
destroyed, I am willing to grant this out of consideration for 
you, to prove to you that I Desire to see you tranquil on yoxtr 
Mats, and that I am glad to give you the means of hunting in 
peace so that you may provide subsistence for your families." 
I sent them all away happy. I think that I shall have the Satis- 
faction of seeing them United, for they have so promised me. 
Those who wished to be Revenged yielded to my arguments. 

The position of Affairs did not permit me, Monseigneur, to 
hesitate for a moment to grant them what they Urgently asked 

1 The coureurs de bois were a standing menace to the colony and 
Its fur-trade monopoly. Illicit traders, they ranged among the Indian 
tribes, securing furs, and frequently selling them to the English. 
From necessity, amnesties were granted them in 1682, 1703, and 1716. 
See Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, index. Compare the rebellion of their do- 
scendants under Louis Riel, in Manitoba, in 1869 and 1885. — Ed. 
18 [ 275 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

of me, all tlie more so that it Accorded with the interests of 
the Service and of the Colony. And as the Renards and Sakis 
had done nothing wrong since the Sienr de iN'ojelle's affair, de- 
spair might have seized them. They are to come down next 
year to thank me for the pardon I have granted them, acoomi- 
panied by all who craved Mercy for Them. I considered it a 
good stroke to have restored peace among all these Nations, who 
some time before Were far from being in accord. This cannot 
but be productive of much good in the whole country. 

I Sent, Monseigneur, their Words And my Replies with 
the necessary Instructions to the Sieur de Vercheres, to the 
Sieur De La Martiniere,^ the Commandant at la Baye, and to 

the Sieur Dli Lusignan. 


The affair of tlie Sauteux of the Rivicro aux Sables" who 
killed a Maskoutin by mistake, was Patched up by the Sieur 
de iN'oyelles. 

A party of hurons who went last year on the war-path Against 
the Chicachas, came back witli four Slaves and one Scalp. 
They gave one of the captives to the Sieur de Noyelles to Eo- 
place the Sieur De Vinceunes.'' He gave him to the Villages 
of his Post and they burned him, so angry Were they against 
that Nation. 

I remain with very profound Respect, Monseigneur, Your 
very humble and very obedient servant, 


Quebec, October IGth, 1737. 

1 Claude Antoine de Berman, Sieur de la Martini^re, was the soa 
of an eminent judge, councillor, etc., of the same name, who died 
in 1719. The younger was born in 1710; was made lieutenant, later 
captain of troops; received the cross of St. Louis; and retired on half 
pay in 1759. He married an English girl, Catherine Parsons, by whom 
he had ten children, and died at Quebec in 1761.-^ Ed. 

2 Sable River, Michigan, flowing into Lake Michigan. — ED. 
sVincennes was captured and burned by the Chickasaw in D'Artar 

guette's unfortunate expedition. It was an Indian custom to "re- 
place" a victim of war by a prisoner of the same nation. — Ed. 

[ 2^6 ] ,^^ 

] French Regime in Wisconsin 


[Elxtracts from two letters of La Ronde, commandant at Chagouaml- 
gon, to Beauharnois. MS. in archives of Ministdre des Colonies, Paris; 
press-mark, "Canada, Corresp. g6n., vol. 69, c. 11, fol. 105."] 

Letter of June 28th 

MoNSiBUB — I inform jou of what has ooeurred at my 
Post War has raged very bitterly, and the Scioux have killed 
more than thirty persons. They nevertheless have Sent two 
Sauteux women whom they had made prisoners to sue for 
Peace. I at onoe sent oif ten Sauteux with two Slaves, and I 
loaded them with over two thousand 'Ecus' worth ^ of presents in 
order to have Peace concluded. 50 days Had passed since 
their departure, when I embarked to go and visit the various 
Places on the Lake, And I think that Peace wiU be made 
Between Them, all the more since they are allied with one 
another. I am pressed for time owing to the departure of the 
courier, and this prevents me from giving you further details 
which I shall send by the first opportunity. 

Letter of July 22nd 

Monsieur — I had the honor of writing to you about The 
attack of the Sauteux Upon the Scioux last year. I now have 
the honor of informing you, that when I reached Chagoiiam- 
igon, I greatly blamed the Sauteux for having struck the Soioux 
of the Lakes, because it Was the Scioux of the prairies who 
had killed their Chief and moreover they had killed some of 
their kindred. They replied that it Was true, but that it Was 
the Lake Scioux who had killed the 22 Frenchmen in the !N"orth, 
and that they wished to Avenge their death. What the Savages 
said Was quite true, for we have Had Sun-dials and several 
other things belonging to the Jesuit Father; there was only 

lAn 6cu was an old French coin worth about sixty cents of our 
money. — Ed. 

[ 2Yr ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. 


the chalice which a woman had thrown into the River because 
her Child Had died/ 

I told the Sauteux that they must make Peace, for that Other 
wise they would Expose Themselves to die by hunger next 
winter. Eight days afterward the Scioux sent back a Sauteux, 
whom they had made prisoner, to tell his people that though 
they Had Been Killed they asked for Peace, and that if the 
Sauteux would Send Five of their Chiefs, the Scioux would 
meet them half-way. But only one resolved to go at my solici- 
tation, and he, moreover, did not venture as far as the rendez- 
vous, but passed the winter at a place thirty Leagues from 

In the month of March, two Young men came and told me 
that their Father had killed a moose 15 I^eagues from my 
Fort, and requested that I should Send for It. I despatched 
my son with seven men to bring It in. He did so; and four 
hours afterward a Band of 100 Scioux fell upon three Cabins 
of Sauteux who Were at that place, Killing four men and losing 
^re of their own, among whom Was the Chief. 

On the 16th of April, the Scioux sent back two women, whom 
they had captured in the Raid, to ask the Sauteux why they 
Had not gone to the rendezvous as they had been asked to do; 
and to tell them that it Was this that had Led the Scioux to 
attack Them; that they asked once more for that Interview, 
and named the same Chiefs. I at once sent eight sauteux An^', 
I gave two Slaves. They marched 60 days through the prairies 

iFor a photograph of a French sun-dial of this period, see accom- 
panying plate, and another of more elaborate make in Wis. Hist. GolU,, 
xvi, p. 64. In reference to the relics of Father Aulneau, Father Du 
Jaunay wrote to Madame Aulneau from Mackinac in 1739: "Finally 
the portable chapel, and, namely, the chalice, which was plundered, 
had fallen into the hands of a widowed squaw, who had several grown- 
up sons, the pride and wealth of the tribe. In a remarkably short 
lapse of time, all or nearly all of them perished in her sight. This 
she ascribed to the chalice, which her sons had given her; so she rid 
herself of it by throwing it into a river." Jones, Aulneau Collection^ 
pp. 95, 96.— Ed. 


'ction^ i 



1738-41] French Regime in Wisconsin 

without meeting the Scioux. They Merely found their cache* 
of Beaver skins and they are to leave their mark to show that 
they have Been there. I have no doubt that I shall be able 
to restore Peace as soon as I return. 



[MS. in archives of Minist^re des Colonies, Paris; press-marl?, "Can- 
ada, Corresp. g6n., vol. 75, c. 11, fol. 130.] 

Merrwrandwm of what occurred in The Affair of the hurons 
of Detroit with the OutaouacSj PoutoiXatarrds, Sauteux and 
Mississagues of that Post from the 12th of August, 1738, to 
the 12th of June, 17^1, 

By a word of the hurons of the 12th of August, 1738, ad- 
dressed to their brothers of the Sault, of the Lake, and of 
Lorette,'"^ to Be repeated to Monsieur The General, they say 
that Sastaretsy^ tells them that the Outaoiiacs have, as it were, 
raised the hatchet against Them and have asked all the Nations 
of their language who dwell on the Lakes to help them to Ex- 
terminate them [the Hurons]. 

Monsieur The General replied to that word on the 21st of 
September following and Sent Collars and presents to Mon- 
sieur De IToyelle to quiet this affair and stay the Tomahawks. 

The 29th of January 1Y39, Father de La Eichardie writes 
that he Knows their Minds; that it does not seem easy to re- 

iFor descriptions of the methods of making caches, see Original 
Journals of Lewis and Clark Expedition (Thwaites's ed., N. Y., 1904-05), 
ii, pp. 136, 137.— Ed. 

2 These were the Jesuit mission colonies of Sault St. Louis, or 
Caughnawaga, Lake of Two Mountains, and Jeune Lorette near Que- 
bec. For their history see Jes. Ret, index. These were the well-known 
"praying Indians" of Canada. — Ed. 

3 This appears to have been the hereditary title of the principal 
Huron chief, as the Jesuit fathers in their Relation for 1659-61 speak 
of a chief of the same name. The chief mentioned in the text died 
at Quebec, Aug. 4, 1747, and was succeeded by another with the same 
title. See N. Y. Colon. Docs., x, pp. 141, 162.— Ed. 

[ 279 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. 


assure them; that lie has a well-founded reason to fear that — • 
although the hurons have apparently acquiesced in the Orders 
of Monsieur the General to remain at Detroit — they may at 
the first alarm go either to the Sonontouans, as they have been 
asked to do, or beyond the belle Kiviere.^ 

The 1st of February Monsieur de IToyelle Writes that the 
Savages Have been in fear of one another throughout all the 
winter; that the hurons all Went to winter in the interior 
contrary to their custom; that they abandoned their clearings 
and a portion of their Indian Gbm; that there was a rumor 
they were to go to the Tetes plates; that they told him they 
could not calm the Minds of their wives and children and that 
they would always be in a state of dread at that Post. 

Orontony, the great Chief of that ^ation,^ gave him branches 
of Porcelain to be Sent to His Father Onontio on behalf of 
the whole village, by which they begged him to grant them per- 
mission to go and Settle near him, as they could no longer live 
in peace at that Place, because whenever the Tetes-plates might 
make an Attack on the Nations of Detroit they (the Hurons) 
would always be accused of having a share in it ; and to Avoid 
being some day reduced to cruel Extremities, they reiterated 
the request they had made. 

The First of May Monsieur De Noyelle Writes that he Sends 
two Collars on behalf of the hurons. By the first they beg their 
Father to grant them a tract of land near him so that their 

iThe Sonontouan (Seneca) were the most westerly of the Iroquois 
confederacy. By this time they had begun to remove to the Allegheny 
River, and there was one village within the present state of Ohio. 
"Belle Riviere" (beautiful river) was the French appellation of the 
Ohio.— Ed. 

2 0nontony (baptismal name, Nicolas) was the leader of the band 
of Huron who removed to the Sandusky, and after making an alli- 
ance with the Iroquois and English rebelled against French authority 
(1747), and plotted to lorm an inter-tribal conspiracy to destroy De- 
troit. Failing in this, he removed the next year to White River, and 
later to the Ohio. By the year 1751, he appears to have been no longer 
living. For his negotiations with the English, see Weiser's "Journal," 
in Early Western Travels (Cleveland, 1904), i, pp. 28-38.— Ed. 


738^1] French Regime in Wisconsin 

[idves and Children may he in safety, as they are not at De- 
Itroit ; that if he had not [shown] snch Kindness to Them: they 
^wonld go and die in some Remote Spot. 

By the second, they also beg their Father to give them an 

icer to go down with them to protect them from attack. 

The Sieur De N'oyelle adds that they are not less Fearful 
"than they Were at the Beginning of the affair, that nothing 
could re-assure them; that eight Had come at night to see if 
their fort Was burned down; that they Btad concealed them- 
§elves in Father de la Richardie's dwelling whence they had 
sent him word asking him to go and speak to them. 

The 10th of May 1739, Father de la Bichardie Writes that 
the Threats of one Entatsogo, a Chief of the Sault, uttered in 
connection with the Peace made by the hurons with the Tetes- 
plates seemed to have made them give up all idea of going to 
Settle down below, [i. e. in the South] ; that they requested him 
to beg their Father to Excuse them if they did not go down to 
Ifontreal as he had ordered the Elders to do, because it Was 
the people of the Sault who had asked them to do so; they 
charged him to say that it Was not the Custom amongst savages 
to beg for protection or for an asylum in their fright, but that 
if compassion were felt for them it was the duty of those who 
had pity on Them to come and console them on their Mat, or 
even to light a fresh fire for them in some place where they 
might be considered safe. 

The 15th of June, Father de la Richardie writes that he Was 
obliged to make every effort to influence their Minds which 
Were Fully made up to Listen to nothing but their fear and the 
words of the English and Iroquois, which seemed to have some 
effect especially from what an elder told him in private, assur- 
ing him that the English and Iroquois were taking advantage of 
the hurons' alarm to attract them to one of those two ISrations; 
that he Was compelled to make Use of the old women's influence 
to put a stop to this, and was obliged to tell them that he would 
die rather than follow them amongst the Etnemy. He begs Mon- 
sieur the General — 'in the event of his granting the hurons' re- 
quest to be settled on his land, and of Monsieur his ^N'ephew com- 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

ing to place himself at their head to Lead them to the place of 
their destination, to he allowed to pass the winter with Them 
and go dowTi early in the spring. [He writes] That Detroit 
would in no wise suffer hy their Removal because a number of 
Sauteux, to say nothing of the Chaoiianons, would willingly 
Settle there if the huron Were to go away. 

The 1st of October 1738 answered in 1739. 

Words of the hurons addressed to Monsieur The general. 

By the first [collar], they say that it is very Important. 

By the second, that they received at Missilimakinac an Em- 
bassy from their brothers of the Sault, and of the Lake by which 
they sent them word to come and live near Them, and as a rea- 
son for this they said: "My brothers, in this Place you are in 
the Midst of a Multitude of Nations that like you not." 

That, at the time Monsieur de Vaudreiiil Urged them to leave 
as soon as possible Nations that hated them and he said to 
them: "come and live near Me; you will find a safe Asylum, a 
Father and a Protector." 

By the Pifth word they said that they assured their Father 
they would some day Carry out what he had just Advised them 
to do, and would seize the first pretext that should arise to go to 
him; that they had long been seriously Thinking of fulfilling 
their promises and of withdrawing. 

By the seventh word, they said that the chief reason that 
induced them to take that step was that they wished to calm 
the Minds of their wives and Children which were so disturbed 
that they could live in safety only near their Father Onontio; 
that everybody in their village Was of that opinion and they 
spoke in their name; that only three persons opposed the step 
but they Were not Listened to. 

By the twelfth word, they say that if their Father does not 
grant their request, the regret they will feel will compel them to 
take another step; that their resolution is taken and they will 
go and die in the first place they may come to rather than live 
in that country where their wives and Children could not ven- 
ture to go to their Work without Fearing that they might never 
return at night to sleep in their Cabins. 

[ 282 ] 

1738-41] French Regime in Wisconsin 

By the Fourteenth, they say to their Father that as they have 
always Been obedient to his Orders they will be in a better posi- 
tion to Carry them out when near him. 

By a ]^arrow Collar, they beg their Father not to refuse their 
request, holding it by one end and asking him to hold the other 
so that he may have the kindness to bring them near him and 
thereby calm the Minds of their wives. 

By a Wide Collar, they ask their Father to give them some 
one to lead them to the land where he dwells, that they may 
travel in safety Through the Nations they fear. 

The 13th of June, Words of Sastaretsy, Tayatchatin and 
Otontony to be Sent, to Monsieur the General. 

By the second word, they say that they have made their inten- 
tion known in the Hope that by their Father's answer he will 
have compassion on their condition, and if he has pity on the 
huron, will bring him near him. 

By the Fourth, that their thought Was supported by two Ct>l- 
lars to obtain a prompt answer to the prayer addressed their 
Father to be allowed to dwell near him. 

By the Sixth, they say in these terms: "My Father, we have 
always had the intention of drawing near you and nothing can 
Change it." 

By the Seventh : My Father, the huron Knows not what it is 
to break his word, nor to have a second thought succeed a first 
one he has considered reasonable. Thus, My Father, I do not 
Conceal from you that he might take a step you would not 
approve of if you reject his word. 

By the IsTinth, they say that they will never be thoroughly 
firm in llieir Eeligion unless they separate themselves from the 
INTations that are not Christian. 

By the tenth, they ask to Be put alone in the Place their 
Father may deem suitable, and that the black Gown may be 
with Them to soothe their Minds, as he has already done when 
they were afraid. 

By the Fourteenth, they say that [they] speak in the name of 
the whole Nation and tliat no evil deed can be done amongst all 
the Nations mthout its being imputed to the hurons. This leads 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

them to believe beyond a doubt that if their Father defers 
Bringing them near him, thej will despair of their lives, for 
they Are threatened on all sides and they regret that Compas- 
sion has not been promptly Felt for Them that they may be pro- 

By an additional word, they ask Monsieur De !N'oyelle and 
the three Black Gowns to so strongly support their words with 
their Father that their request be not refused; they also ask 
that their words be reduced to Writing and that Nicolas^ alone 
be admitted to the private Room of Monsieur the General. 

The 9th of July, Another word of the hurons by which they 
ask Monsieur De Noyelle to Write on their behalf to their 
Father Oliontio to thank him for his kindness in granting their 
request and to assure him that their Nation will never forget 
this proof of the protection he gives their wives and Children. 

Then they beg their Father Onontio — in the Event of Mc- 
olas who has charge of their affairs, allowing himself to be won 
over to Prevent their going down — not to alter anything of 
what he has granted them to have them dwell near him, and 
that they have fully reflected on the step before taking it. 

The same Day, Father de la Eichardie Writes Monsieur the 
general that his words have Been received by the hurons with 
great acclamations of gratitude; that they await the return of 
iN'icolas to settle all matters. 

The 13th of the same Month, Monsieur De Koyelle Writes 
that he has delivered to the hurons the words addressed to him 
by Monsieur the general and that they Were greatly flattered 
by them, saying that he continued to be always kind to them. 
He added that they had not altered their design in any way. 

The 26th of July, 1740, Monsieur De 'Nojan Writes that the 
Outaouacs etc. and the hurons continue on the qui vive, and that 
he will strive earnestly to reconcile them. 

The 27th of the same Month, He Writes that since his last 
letter he has seen the Chiefs of the hurons and Outaouacs : that 

1 Note on original MS. : This is one of the three Chiefs. His sav- 
age name is Orontony." 

[ 284 ] 

1738-41] French Regime in Wisconsin 

he is convinced nothing can allay the uneasiness in which the 
former live ; that the Outaoiiacs v^ere taking steps that gave rise 
to much Suspicion amongst the weaker ones ; and that the hurons 
Had good reason to ask their Father for an asylum where they 
could live in peace; that to Induce them to remain at Detroit 
was to Ecxpose them to the vengeance of the others ; that not to 
bring them to Montreal was to cause their destruction ; that the 
Iroquois would take advantage of this and enter into an alliance 
with Them ; that whatever precautions were taken amongst the 
Iroquois and the Outaouacs to conceal their Intrigues, their 
plots nevertheless betrayed themselves on both Sides and sus- 
picion was growing. 

He represents that the migration of the hurons towards Mon- 
treal will secure their Preservation, and strengthen the Colony 
Against the IN'ations that might oppose its growth ; that the Evil 
has become aggravated. As always happens when Minds are 
filled with Distrust, and that he can no longer flatter himself 
that he can succeed in reconciling them. 

That Detroit will lose nothing because the Chaoiianons are 
ready to take their place and that all the huron Chiefs Were 
determined to leave, Knowing the Risks they ran. 

The First of August, Father de la Richardie writes that the 
hurons are always on the qui vive concerning the Outaouacs and 
Sauteux ; that News circulated by the very people of those Na- 
tions continually keeps up their alarm, not that they fear for 
Themselves, they say, because such an admission would be incon- 
sistent with their pride, but all their solicitude is for their wives 
and Children whom they do not consider Safe in a neighborhood 
such as that of Detroit. 

That Mcolas said he Was proud of the fact that to the huron 
Nation alone belonged the glory of never having shed French 
blood ; that he hoped to excite his Father's Compassion to 
Induce him to put him under his wings. 

Father de la Richardie adds that their Reluctance to go down 
is due solely to the fact that they are not Removed with savage 
formalities from the Place where they now are and settled 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

The 4tli of August, Monsieur De ISToyan writes tliat the 
hurons still persist in their intention to remove their fire else- 
where; that they beg him to follow them and go and live with 
Them on the tract of land Monsieur the General has granted 
them ; that he expected the Ohaoiianons at the end of the month 
who intended to take their place, and that they were asked to do 
so by the Otitaouacs who would be delighted with this Exchange. 

The 26th of August, Father de la Eichardie writes that the 
hurons have in nowise changed their minds about Settling near 
Montreal ; that the only thing that Hinders the Carrying out of 
the plan is savage vanity that does not wish to seem to flee, and 
seeks to conceal its fear by saying to the neighboring ISTations 
that they are being Taken from their fire in order that another 
may be kindled for them; that they daily urge their Com- 
mandant and their Missionaries to Induce Monsieur The Gen- 
eral to Send a word by which he will Remove them from Detroit 
and settle them near him ; that the reason and the truth are that 
they wish to be Removed by the people of the Sault and of the 
Lake, and that they be their agents to exercise the gentle pres- 
sure they desire ; that Angoiiirot alone, with three or four other 
Cabins, are opposed to this Migration, and it will not be diffi- 
cult to Urge them to it if the plan be Carried out; that they 
have another in view which is to Establish themselves on grosse 
isle f but he thinks they will hardly live in peace there more 
than at Detroit. 

The 16th of September, Monsieur De IN'oyan writes that the 
third Chief of the hurons, named Angoiiirot, had just arrived 
from Sandoske " where he had left nearly all his brothers cutting 
down trees to extend their Fields; that this news had greatly 

1 Grosse Isle, the large island at the mouth of Detroit River, still 
keeps this appellation, — Ed. 

2 The location of the village, and what was later Nicolas's fort, in 
the marshes of Sandusky, is not fully determined. Probably it was 
on the shores of Sandusky Lac (or Lac Junandott), at Venice. The old 
French Fort Sandusky was destroyed by Indians May 17, 1763; but was 
later rebuilt, apparently on the same site. — Ed. 



1738-41] French Regime in Wisconsin 

afflicted him because it strengthened him in the conviction that 
that Kation would soon lose the benefits conferred' on them by 
Christianity unless Monsieur the General had pity on them and 
brought them near him and that such removal could not but Be 
beneficial to the Colony. 

The 17th of September, Father de la Eichardie Writes to 
Monsieur the general that he Had vainly flattered himself that 
he had brought back the hurons who Had established themselves 
at the little Lake ;^ that most of them Had gone to Detroit on the 
approach of the great feasts, and Had decamped as soon as they 
Were over, without its Being possible for him to keep them 
there ; that he could obtain no other reasons from Them except 
that they would settle down as soon as their Father would have 
the goodness to put them in a place of Safety, for they could 
find none at that Spot in sight of the Outaoiiacs and Sauteux; 
that if their village Were near the French they would not be 
afraid of their Enemies attacking them; that their Father's 
Protection would shield them from every attack; that it had 
happened that two Outaoiiacs and Poutoiiatamis had devas- 
tated all the field of a huron woman, that one of them had fired 
at her and killed her dog in front of her ; that on the same day 
an Outaouac, knife in hand, pursued two Children thirteen 
years of age as far as a cabin in the field; that all this con- 
firmed their just fears. 

The 20th of April 1741, Monsieur De ^oyan Writes to Mon- 
sieur the General that the hurons are still awaiting a Collar 
that they Hope he will Send them to bring them near him with 
savage formalities ; that they are divided in opinion, some wish- 
ing to Establish themselves on grosse isle, while the others will 
Hear of nothing but Montreal ; but that all are in favor of leav- 
ing Detroit, and that it is to be feared under the circumstances 
they will abandon their Country and their Religion ; that they 
will be lost imless their Father saves them from that shipwreck, 

1 " Little Lake" was the French name for Sandusky Bay, now Ron- 
deau Harbor, on the north shore of Lake Erie. The reference is prob- 
ably to some temporary settlement. — En. 

[ 287 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [vol. xvii 

and tliat they will soon be lost if he does not hold out his hand 
to them. He adds that that ISTation is not one to be neglected. 

The 22nd of the same Month, Father de la Richardie writes 
to Monsieur the General that there is no change as Regards the 
hurons, Except that their Desire to go and Settle at Montreal has 
diminished without having passed away, and that, to speak with- 
out equivocation, they are convinced they are not wanted there ; 
that only an urgent word from their Father Onontio, with a 
similar one from their Praying brothers can draw them thither, 
and even then he would not guarantee that all would go, although 
he thinks that those who would remain at Detroit would gradu- 
ally join the others. 

The 12th of June 1741, Monsieur De !N"oyan Writes that 
some presents would be needed for the three I^ations that have 
to Be reconciled, and that the chief item is a collar from Mon- 
sieur the general to grant the hurons a dwelling place near him] 
otherwise he foresees that that Kation will be completely lost 
to us owing to the jealousy the others have of it; that Detroit 
is alarmed because it is alleged that two large bands of Tetes- 
plates have set out on the war-path. 


[Letter from Noyan to the French Minister. Source, same as preced- 
ing document, but vol. 70, fol. 180.] 

Montreal, October 5, 1738. 

MoNSEiGNEUR — I havo Tcceivcd with all possible respect and 
gratitude the Fresh Marks of Kindness wherewith Your Grace 
is pleased to honor me by appointing me commandant at Detroit. 

I am aware, Monseigneur, that the honor of Such Confidence 
should incite Me to seek the Means of justifying it with Tour 
grace; And in Spite of My slight Capacity, I hope that my 
desire to be Deserving of so Marked a favor will enable me to 
do what you expect from Me. 

I am unable, Monseigneur, to propose anything to Your grace 
in connection With the establishment of that post. I am still 

[ 288 ] 

1738] French Regime in Wisconsin 

ignorant of tlie means you intend to make use of and of the 
Steps you order me to adopt, as Monsieur the Marquis de Beau- 
hamois has not done me the honor of communicating them to 

That post is greatly disturbed in consequence of a quarrel 
that Arose between the hurons and the outaouas. The blood 
that was shed in it leads me to fear lest all the Savages are con- 
cerned in it, for, Monseigneur, those two languages interest all 
the Nations of that country. This year again those two I^ations 
had asked Me to command them ; the outaouas had come down 
for That purpose. Here is a suitable opportunity to put their 
friendship to the test, and I flatter Myself that Your grace will 
have sent peace there when I reach the place. Hitherto, Mon- 
seigneur, attempts have been made to find in the flood of 
brandy that has Poured through that Wretched post, reasons for 
concealing under the pretext of the interests of the Colony the 
avidity of Sordid lucre gained by the Commandants in opposi- 
tion to the laws of honor and of religion. I beg Your grace to 
give Me orders to the contrary, authorizing me to punish the 
guilty and which may keep me Myself in Check should I be so 
Wretched as to endeavor to make My fortune by Such shameful 
Means. By this Alone, Monseigneur, shall I be able to main- 
tain order, to make Myself feared and esteemed by the French 
and the Savages, and succeed in placing on a firm basis the 
establishment your grace orders me to begin. I will send you 
an accurate and faithful Report every year if God be pleased 
to grant me My Health that has been Greatly weakened by three 
most painful operations Performed since the Month of April. 
My zeal for the service has not Suffered from this, and I feel 
that I have still sufficient strength to Withstand the unavoid- 
able fatigue and trouble. 

I remain with the most profound Respect, Monseigneur, 
Your grace's most humble and most obedient servant 



Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. 


[ESxtract from a letter from Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated 
Oct. 5, 17S8. Source, same as preceding document, but vol. 69, fol. 



The precautions I had taken to enable the two Miners to reach 
the Copper Mines have Been unavailing, owing to the Voya- 
genrs who conducted them having been obliged to ]>iit back 
through stress of Weather, And to the Season Being too far 
advanced, which compelled them to winter in Montreal. They 
proceeded Early last spring to Chagoilamigon And the Sieur de 
La Ronde Wrote me on the 28th of June and 22nd of July that, 
as he was returning from IN'avigating the Lake, he made an 
Attempt to approach the island that is said to Be of Copper but 
a Terrible Squall prevented him from reaching it. On his 
arrival at Sault Ste Marie (on the 24th of June) he learned that 
the Miners had passed 14 days previously under the guidance 
of the Sieur Guillory. He Hoped to meet him along the Lake 
shore. He wrote that this mishap had caused him chagrin, inas- 
much as the Sieur Guillory did not know the Places as he did ; 
that iRevertheless he Was assisted by a Savage who Undertook to 
take him to one of the Mines where the Sieur de la Ronde had 
Been. He adds in his Letter of the 28th of July that when the 
Miners returned to the Sault Ste Marie, he asked them what 
they thought of that mass of Copper (which is doubtless La 
Roche [the Rock] already mentioned).^ They replied that 
it Was a Mass that had been carried by the ice to that spot 
on the shore. Thereupon when the Sieur de La Ronde told 
them he would show them similar masses more than fifty 

1 Since the earliest exploration of Lake Superior, the French had 
knowledge of a large mass of copper near the mouth of the Ontonagon 
River. It is described in the Jesuit Relation for 1666-67 (Thwaites'a 
ed., 1, p. 267; liv, p. 161) and was popularly known as "La Roche." In 
1843 this mass, weighing between 6,000 and 7,000 pounds, was trans- 
ported to the Smithsonian Institution, where it was found to be 95 per 
cent pure copper. — ^Ed. 

[ 290 ] 

French Regime in Wisconsin 

Leases from there, they admitted that this might Be so, 
and that the masses might have been detached from some 
mountains. The Sieur de La Ronde Then proposed that 
they Embark with him in order that he mi^ht Take them 
to the Places where the Mines Were situated And Amongst 
others to those in the Tonnagane E^iver. At first they raised 
some difficulties because their engagement Expires on the 
first of May 1739, And they would be unable to get Home by 
that date. But the Sieur de La Bonde having disposed of all 
objections by promising to pay them for the exjra time they 
would be with him, they agreed to go whither he might wish to 
take them. The idea of the Sieur de La Blonde is to make them 
Inspect generally all the Places on the Lake where he knows 
of Copper Mines being situated and to take advantage of the 
stay of the miners at that Place to obtain all the Information he 
can from them so that when he communicates thje same to me I 
may be in a Position to Beport to you thereon. Monsieur hoc- 
quart And I have the honor to Send you the report made by one 
Guillory, the younger, who arrived from that Country on the 
14th of the month of August last. 


1 remain with very profound Bespect, Monseigneur, Your 

very humble and very obedient servant 

Quebec, October 5th, 1738. 


[Letter of De Noyan to the French Minister, Source, same as pre- 
ceding document, but vol. 70, fol. 190.] 

MoNTBEAL, October 18, 1738. 

Monseigneur — Hitherto I had flattered Myself that Mon- 
sieur The Marquis de Beauhamois and Monsieur hocquart 
would have added to the favor your grace has conferred on Me 
tliat of communicating to Me Your Lordship's Orders Bespect- 
ing The Establishment of detroit 
19 [ 291 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

After Writing on two occasions to Monsieur de Beaucours* 
that lie would send Mm the court^s intentions with Eegard to 
Me, Monsieur the Marquis De Beauhamois instructed Monsieur 
de longueuiP at Quebec to write Me that he had not Carefully 
examined Your Lordship's letter when he wrote to Monsieur de 
Beaucours ; that he had received no orders to send Me to detroit 
But Merely a project proposed by Your grace to which he would 
send an answer, and therefore that the matter was not settled. 
Thus, Monseigneur, it has been sought to deprive Me of the 
honor I should have had in proving that I was fit for the posi- 
tion, and in justifying Your grace's choice of me as a disin- 
terested Person. In truth I am unable to reply because I am 
equally ignorant Both of Your Lordship's plan and of the 
objections to it. 

!N'evertheless, it is easy to see that Your Lordship's Kindness 
toward me causes Much embarrassment and jealousy here. 
Monsieur de Koyelles finishes His three years in the Month of 
May next, and the appointment of a Kew commandant is under 
consideration. If Monsieur the general intended that I should 
be the person, he would do me the honor of notifying Me. 
Arrangements have to be made to obviate expense ; I have there- 
fore reason to think that he is at Least Surprised that Your 
Lordship should have cast your eyes Oti Me. 

It Seems to Me that Your grace's project, whatever it may 
Be, should not occasion any trouble; and that the person whom 
you have honored with Your confidence should be sent there: 
Either giving him the post as it stands until Further orders, 
directing him to keep account of the emoluments in order to 
render an exact account thereof to the Court; Or, Messieurs de 

1 Josu6 Dubois de Berthelot, Sieur de Beaucourt, came to New France 
as an engineer in the troops. He assisted at the fortifications of Que- 
bec in 1691, and again in 1712. He became a famous partisan leader, 
heading expeditions against the Iroquois in 1693, and in Queen Anne's 
War (1702-13). In 1730 he was governor of Three Rivers, and later of 
Montreal, which latter office he held until about 1748. — Ed. 

2 This was Charles Le Moyne, second baron de Longueuil; see antCr 
p. 10, note 2.— Ed. 

[ 292 ] 

From Suite's Histoire des Canadiens-Frangais 


French Regime in Wisconsin 

eaiihamois and hocquart would receive tlie proceeds of the 
licenses and other emoluments of the post, have the officer con- 
veyed there and supply His !N'eeds until Further orders from 
Your grace. 

It has not depended on Me, Monseigneur, for I have had the 
onor of writing to them and of assuring them that I would be 
ready at any time to carry out Your grace's orders and theirs. 

I have learned indirectly that Messieurs the Marquis de Beau- 
hamois and hocquart found that the post of detroit would N"o 
longer Be of any advantage to the commandant. I do not think, 
Monseigneur, that they had such anxiety with regard to Me. 
I flatter Myself that My disinterestedness is Known to them: 
But how can a post where one Serves the King Well cease to be 
an advantageous one, when the King rewards Services and Your 
Lordship is the dispenser of favors. 

All such posts will ever be advantageous ones to Me, And I 
venture to offer Your grace the Heart Least affected by interest 
and the most Sensitive to honor. 

Nevertheless, convinced as I Am that it is Your Lordship's 
intention, while promoting the public Welfare, to Allow or to 
give the officer sufficient for an honorable livelihood, I crave 
Your grace's permission to enter into details regarding That 

The sum of 500 livres is paid for each license, 10 or 12 
of which are issued yearly besides those of the Mis- 
sionaries and of The officer Second in command. This 
yields at least .... 5,000 livres 

The King has always given to the commandant the powder 
Required for the whole post, and which he has always 
caused to be sold to the French and Savages. This 
favor is worth, per annum . . . 1,500 livres 

Hitherto, for the maintenance of Good order, it has been 
enacted that the Commandant should have a Bureau 
where he has caused all the wine and brandy Re- 
quired by the French to be sold. This also brings 
him in, per annum .... 2,000 livres 

8.500 livres 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

Here we have eight Thousand five hundred livres that can be 
obtained from the post Without engaging in trade. In some 
years as many as 14 and 15 canoes go there, But their IN'umber 
is always uncertain. 

If it be Your Lordship's intention to lower the price of the 
licenses with the object of settling the post, it Will be easy to do 
so by making it Known that every voyageur who takes up a lot 
of land at detroit, shall, in Consideration of the sum of 250 
livres per canoe, have the exclusive right of going down to 
Montreal for Merchandize; and I shall See, Monseigneur, that 
the conditions in this respect Be complied with. When the 
habitants of the place shall Trade alone and by them Selves it 
will Be profitable to them, and the Savages will get what they 
Keed at a Much Cheaper Rate. 

!N"ever1ihele«s, Similar licenses might be granted at the same 
price to the voyageurs of Montreal, when the residents do not 
want them. 

According to this plan the licenses will not yield more than 
2500 or 3000 livres for it must be observed that Trade is ruined 
when more goods go up than can be disposed of. 

for license ..... 2,500 livres 

profit on the powder .... 1,500 livres 

profit from the Bureau .... 2,000 livres 

I believe, Monseigneur, that discipline and good order require 
that the Commandant should Alone have the distribution of and 
the profits from the two last mentioned items, which Are not 
included in the trade. Such, if I may venture to express My 
Opinion to your grace, is the Surest and easiest way of settling 

But if Your Lordship wish that the Same price be charged 
for the licenses, and that everything the post can yield be 
derived from it in order that, after the officers are paid, the Sur- 
plus Be remitted to be employed as Your grace may deem best, 
I will keep So accurate an account thereof that you Will be 
Satisfied with my obedience. 

I Also hope, Monseigneur, that Your grace will, for the first 

[ 294 ] 


1738] French Regime In Wisconsin 

year, Leave matters on the present footing in order to Meet My 
Travelling expenses And the cost of conveying such N^ecessaries 
as Might Be charged for — vy^ith this difference that I will have 
no Goods for trading taken np, And that I will account to Your 
Lordship, both for the expenses and for the revenues of the post 
so that Your grace may dispose of the surplus. 

The officer Second in command has two licenses or . 1,000 livres 

The interpreter has one license or . . . 500 livres 

The Missionary of the French has . . . 500 livres 

The Missionary of the Huron s has two licenses . . 1,000 livres 

3,000 livres 

They always dispose of their licenses to Voyageurs, and 
Xcither the King i^or the Commandant ha"^'6 any expense to 
incur in That respect. 

The presents the commandants are obliged to give Are very 
considerable, But if Your Lordship will have the powder given 
Me at the price it costs the King in France, and will have the 
Goodness to allow me room for four tons of freight on the 
King's Ship for the conveyance of the wine and Brandy I shall 
iNTeed, I will ask no compensation for all the presents I Shall 
be obliged to give the Savages with the exception of some extra- 
ordinary occasions in connection with which I will take the 
liberty of submitting My representations. 

Thus, Monseigneur, If Your grace grants Me 3000 or 2500 
livres On the licenses with tAvo or three Thousand pounds of 
powder at the price His Majesty pays for it in France, and the 
right of the Bureau [sales-room] which Seems to Me essential 
to the Commandant who must be responsible for His post, I will 
find the sum of five or Six Thousand livres both for my Living 
expenses and for presents to the Savages which amount to more 
than 1500 livres a year. 

I ask no other Obligation from the voyageurs than to bring 
Me 200 pounds weight for every canoe carrying 5000 pounds. 

Moreover, Monseigneur, I Am but too highly honored by 
Your grace's selection of me. I Shall always be content with 
whatever you may be pleased to order Me. When My dis- 

[ 295 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. 


interestedness and My zeal Become known; to you I shall Be 
more tlian amply rewarded. Whatever may Be Your views 
Eespecting that post, I hope to carry them out on all points that 
may depend on Me. There remains but one thing miore for Me 
to desire and that is that Your Txirdship should believe Me incap- 
able of doing anything contrary to Your orders, to My honor 
and to My duty, Elven were the most Brilliant fortune to depend 
on it And what fortune, Monseigneur, can compare in My 
eyes with The honor of Your confidence. 

I remain with very profound respect, Monseigneur, Your 
grace's very humble and very obedient Servant 

Chauoy de.N'oyan- 

[Letter of Beauharnois and Hocquart to the French Minister, dated 
Oct. 22, 1738. Source, same as preceding document, but vol. 69, fol. 

Monseigneur — We have received the letter you did us the 
honor of Writing to us on the 23rd of April last with reference 
to the Post of Detroit. 

Of the plans that each of us individually submitted last year 
to you, Monseigneur, you approve only the Appointment of a 
Stationary Commandant; you reject all the rest and you are 
pleased to Explain to Us a third project that has been proposed 
to you which you Deem more Suitable and which you order us 
to discuss together and to Report thereon. This we do. 

We both agree with regard to the Stationary Commandant 
who is to have no interest whatever in the Trade carried on at 
the Post, and to whom a suitable remuneration will be accorded 
out of the proceeds of the Licenses. There would be no objec- 
tion to allow all indigent families to go and Settle at that 
Post if the free permits to be granted them for conveyance there 
with goods did not on the other hand diminish the number of 
Permits that are bought and the proceeds whereof barely suffice 
to meet the ordinary expenses of the Post. The same difficulty 
arises as regards taking from the proceeds of the Licenses the 



738] French Regime in Wisconsin 

assistance and facilities to be granted those families for their 

The right to Trade that it is proposed to give the Kesidents at 

e Post in Preference to the voyageurs of Montreal Is a 

privilege those Kesidents have never asked. The number of 

permissions to go and Trade at Detroit is not absolutely limited 

nd whenever those same Residents have applied for Permits 

ese have always been granted them on the same footing as the 
voyageurs from Montreal. But to Further compel the Resi- 
dents when they take out Licenses to have a certain number of 
arpents of land cleared and cultivated every year, would be to 
impose an additional burden on them and indirectly to give the 
preference of the Trade to the voyageurs from Montreal. We 
would Also observe that if it Be proper for the growth of the 
Post to send families there, it Is Equally important that such 
families Should devote themselves to the Cultivation of the land 
the produce whereof will enable them to procure what they need 
from the voyageurs of Montreal who will supply their wants. 

Here is a fourth project, Monseigneur, which we consider 
approaches Your views the most closely, since there can be no 
question of an increase of the garrison. 

In the present State of affairs the proceeds of the licenses 
granted amounts every year to the sum of 6650 livres on an 
average, including 500 livres paid by the two Gunsmiths, And 
150 livres by private individuals who reside within the Inclos- 
ure of the fort. This sum of 6650 livres will, if you order it, be 
Employed in paying the expenses set forth in the annexed State- 
ment wherein Is Included a sum of 3000 livres for the gratuity 
to be given the stationary Commandant; in consideration of 
that amount he shall be forbidden to carry on any Trade. 

The cost of transporting the pay And uniforms of the Gar- 
rison is not included in the Statement and to meet that expense 
Monsieur de Beauharnois might grant 2 or 3 free permits to 
Voyageurs of Montreal who would undertake such transport. 

It will also be Advisable to oblige the other Voyageurs or per- 
sons in Charge of Canoes to carry Each 150 pounds Weight of 
provisions, utensils or implements for the Commandant as is 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

done at present. The custom will also be continued of granting 
a free permit for a Canoe or half a Canoe to the Missionary of 
the Savages, the Chaplain, the Interpreter, the Surgeon And 
tihe Sub-delegate. By this arrangement the Trade that the 
Commandant has hitherto been allowed to carry on will inure 
to the benefit of the general Trade of that Post, and it may 
happen that a larger number of Voyageurs will apply for the 
purchase of licenses. This will increase the actual proceeds of 
the Post and in such Case the Surplus will be Employed in 
facilitating the transport of some families, in providing for their 
subsistence And in assisting them at the Beginning of their 
Settlement at Detroit either for carrying on Trade or for the 
first clearing of the Lands that will be Granted to them. 

The Sieur [N'oyan Wrote to both of Us separately from Mon- 
treal a short time ago. He claims to be cured of the operation 
performed last spring on his left Breast, and he Considers 
himself in fit Condition to proceed to his destination at Detroit 
next spring. Monsieur de Beauhamois will give him orders to 
that effect. He will therefore Appoint him Commandant on the 
footing We propose to you, pending the receipt of your orders. 

We remain with very profound respect, Monseigneur, Your 
very humble and very obedient servants, 


Quebec, October 22nd, 1738. Hocquabt 


[Letter of Beauhamois to the French Minister. Source, same as pre- 
ceding document, but vol. 69, fol. 147.] 

Monseigneur — The Syndics And Directors of the Company 
of the Indies have Written to me that you had caused E<e- 
p roaches to be addresoed to them in Connection with the falling 
off in the Beaver trade which yon deemed to be due to them. 
They begged me to write you that they were not responsible for 
this a<5i tliey had ever striven to promote it. I can assure you^ 


P 1739T 

French Regime in Wisconsin 

Mcmseigneur, that the falling off Was due to the bad quality 
of the Scarlet cloth, And to the low price of Beaver skins. Aa 
soon as I Eepresented this to them they Sent out better doth 
And raised the price of that Fur; this has contributed not a 
little to increase this year's Eeceipts. 

I remain with very profound Eespect, Monseigneur, Your 
very humble and very obedient servant 

Quebec, October 20th, 1738. 


[MS. in archives of MinistSre des Colonies, Paris; press-mark, "Can- 
ada, Corresp. g6n., vol. 65, c. 11, fol. 173."] 

Statement of the services rendered to his Majesty hy Monsieur 
de La Eande Denis ^ Knight of the Royal and Military order 
of St. Louis J first Captaiyi and Commandant of the Troops 
of the Detachment of Marine, from 1687 to the year 1739, 

1687 He was made a guardsman in the Marine^ and served 

, in the Department of Rochefort until 1689. He served with 

Vice-Admiral Monsieur de Gabaret, Chief of the Squadron, 

1689 in the "St Michel" on board of which he took king 
James to Ireland, and in the same Campaign, he was present at 
the Battle of Bantry,^ and at the capture of an Ostend privateer, 
mounting 18 Guns, which we took with Boats commanded by 
Monsieur Du Tare. 

1690 He served in the "Courageux," "Commanded by Mon- 
sieur Reale; and was at Brest with Monsieur the Marquis de 
Sevigny Montmeron; he was also present at the Battle of la 

1 Equivalent to midshipman. — Ed. 

2 James II landed at Kinsale, Ireland, March 12, 1689. The English 
were defeated by the French in the naval battle of Bantry Bay in May 
of the same year. — Ed. 

3 The battle of "la Manche" is known to English historians as that 
of Beachy Head, in which a French fleet of ten vessels defeated tfye 
allied Dutch and English fleet of fifty-six ships.— Ed. 

[ 299 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. 


1691 In llie "Excellent" witli Monsieur Dn Rivan huet, on 
which he cruised in tlie Channel throughout the winter, and 
served during the Cruise on the high seas. 

1692 In the "Envieux" with Monsieur Bonaventure, doing 
duty as Ensign during the Cruise to Canada, and thence along 
the Coast of new England. 

1693 In the "Suzanne Frangoise" with Monsieur Bonaven- 
ture on a voyage to Acadia, during which he served as first Lieu- 

1694 In the "Entendu" with Monsieur Duquesne, when we 
went to the Mediterranean Sea and captured Palamos and 

1695 In the "Envieux" with Monsieur Bonaventure, on 
board of which he ranked as Ensign, and went to Acadia where 
they fought an English frigate, and thence to Placentia. Here 
he found Monsieur Belair, a post Captain, who commanded the 
"fourbe" and whose Lieutenant had been killed in an engage- 
ment that took place during the voyage from France. He there- 
fore took Monsieur de la Eonde Denis in his place, and during 
the Run home he took an English Ship mounting 16 Guns, the 
Command whereof was given him. On approaching the French 
coast, he met an English Squadron, which captured him and took 
him a prisoner to Ireland. 

1696 He remained thirteen Months in the prisons of Ireland. 

1697 He sailed in the "Vespre" Commanded by the Cheva- 
lier de Ghartrier in Monsieur d'Iberville's Squadron, which 
sailed for Hudson's Bay. He held the rank of Lieutenant. They 
captured the forts; sank the admiral's ship; took one ship and 
put the remainder of the Squadron to flight.^ 

1698 In the "Envieux" on board of which he held the rank 
of Ensign. They went into all the harbors of Acadia, and 
thence to Placentia. 

1699 In the "Meuport" with Monsieur de Cfeurbon St. 
Ijcger, cruising along the Coast of AcaHia against free-booters. 


iThis feat of Iberville's Is well desbribed by Garneau, Histoire de 
Canada (Montreal, 1882), i, pp. 368-371.— * Ed. 

[ 300 ] 


1739] French Regime in Wisconsin 

He held the rank of Ensign, and had Charge of the Ship by the 
King's orders, owing to his thorough Knowledge of that coast. 

1700 In the "Renommee" with Monsieur d.'Iberville, sail- 
ing to the Mississipi. He held the rank of Ensign, and for five 
months he was in the river engaged in surveying it in obedience 
to Monsieur d'Iberville's orders/ 

1701 His Majesty gave him the Command of the "Enflame" 
to sail to the Mississipi with Munitions." The Cruise occu- 
pied 17 months. 

1702 In the "Loire," Commanded by the Chevalier de 
Gabaret, on board of which he was second in command, sailing 
to Canada, to take Monsieur de Beauharnois,^ the intendant, 
there ; and during the Voyage they captured an English Ship at 
night. He was dangerously wounded in the Shoulder, and was 
compelled to remain in Canada, as he was not cured when the 
Ship sailed. 

1703 He returned in the "seine" commanded by Monsieur 
The Chevalier de Beauhamois doing duty as second Lieutenant 
during the Voyage. 

1704 In the "seine" with Monsieur The Chevalier de 
Meaupou, sailing to Canada on board of which he was second 
Lieutenant. Lhiring the Voyage they met the Virginian fleet 
consisting of five war-ships which attacked us and after an En- 
gagement lasting 17 hours, as our rigging was all shot away, and 
we had six feet of water in our Hold, we were captured and 
taken to England.* 

1705 In the "Profond" with Monsieur Cauvet sailing 
to Acadia, on board of which he was second in command 

iThis was Iberville's second voyage to the Mississippi. He arrived 
at his colony at Biloxi, Dec. 12, 1699, and spent the next five months 
exploring the Mississippi River. — Ed. 

2 The "Enflamm6" arrived at Biloxi colony with provisions, etc., the 
last of May, 1701. — Ed. 

3 Francois de Beauharnois, intendant of New France from Septem- 
ber, 1702, to September, 1705.— Ed. 

4 The "Seine" was a store ship of 40 guns, and had on board 20 
officers, 2,000 small arms, and much ammunition. The English colo- 
nists were rejoiced at its capture. — E4. 

[ 301 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

during tiie Voyage, and on his arrival he took Command, by His 
Majesty's order, of a frigate mounting 14 Guns that the King 
had caused to be Built for the purpose of cruising Along the 
Coast of new England. 

1707 While in Harbor on board the King's frigate the 
^^Biche," ready to sail on a cruise, an English fleet sailed into 
Port Royal to besiege it. He was Compelled to run the frigate 
aground beneath The fort, and was detached by Monsieur de 
subercasse at the head of 130 men to oppose the passage of the 
little River which the Enemy, to the number of 1500 men, 
were to cross. He impulsed them twice, but was compelled ta 
give way to superior force, and he Retreated to the fort, fighting 
every foot of the ground. Throughout the siege, he commanded 
the Royal Bastion, which faced the Enemy, and when the siege 
was raised, he embarked on the frigate to carry the news to the 

1708 He Commanded the ^'Venus^ which sailed in the 
depth of the winter to Acadia with Munitions of war, and he ar- 
rived there at the Beginning of April. Thence he went to 
Cruise along the coast of new England where he captured several 
prizes, and went to Placentia to dismantle the vessel. 

1709 He served under Monsieur de St Ovide De Brogliand 
with the rank of second Comm^ander. He had 160 men to 
go and capture the English ooast. They succeeeded very well 
for on the first of January they took fort St John where they 
found more than a thousand men under arms, both Troops and 
settlers. In the Spring they blew up all The forts; they held 
the Coast to ransom, and conveyed all the artillery in the "Ve- 
nus" to Placentia.^ He took to Quebec the governor, the offi- 

1 This was the expedition commanded by Colonel March, which sailed 
from Boston, May 13, 1707, and made a fruitless assault on Port Royal. 

Daniel d' Auger de Subercasse came to Canada in 1687, and after 
military service in various parts of the colony, received the appointment 
of governor of Acadia in 1705. In 1710 he surrendered Port Royal to 
the English. — Ed. 

3 La Ronde was a volunteer in this Newfoundland expedition, which 
was planned by St. Ovide, king's lieutenant at Placentia, and nephew 

[ 302 ] 

1739] French Regime in Wisconsin 

cers, and soldiers of the garrison of St Jokn, and Landed them 
over to Monsieur The Marquis de Vaudreuil, by whom he was 
detained during the whole Summer to Command the Marine for 
the Defence of Quetx^c, which was threatened with an attack. 
After this he conveyed provisions to the Garrison and Colony of 
Placentia, which without that succor would have died of hunger 
during the winter. All these voyages were performed in very 
bad weather, and nearly caused his death several times. 

1710 He sailed on the "Loire" for Acadia. When he 
reached Placentia, he learned that Acadia was taken, and this 
compelled him to remain at Placentia by order of Monsieur de 

1711 He w^as sent by Monsieur de Costebelle, the gov- 
ernor, to Boston for the purpose of secretly securing 
neutrality between its people, and that of Canada in order there- 
by to diminish the aid that new England might give for the 
Conquest of new France; and he would have succeeded in this 
had it not been for the Mishaps that occurred, and whereof his 
Majesty was fully informed by the Said Sieur de Costebelle, 
who several times placed His life in danger. 

1712 He received an order from' the King to settle L'Isle 
Koyale;^ he went in the "Samezelac" with Monsieur de St 
Ovide de brogliand. 

1713 During the winter he was engaged in roaming the 
depths of the forests and the Lakes of that island a Map whereof, 
made by the sieur de Couhaigne sub engineer, he gave to the Com- 
mandant of Louisbourg. After this, he was ordered to go to 
Port Poyal, to les mines and Beaubassin on the coast of Acadia 
to Prevent the settlers from submitting to English domination, 
because those places do not form part of nova Scotia or Acadia 
according to the Former limits defined by the treaty of Utrecht. 

of the former governor, De Brouillan. The expedition is described by 
Charlevoix, History of New France (Shea ed., New York, 1871), v, pp. 
212-215.— Ed. 

1 After the loss of Acadia, the French tried to replace that colony 
by another on Isle Royale (now Cape Breton Island). Costabelle waa 
the first governor, but was replaced in 1713 by St. Ovide.— Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

He succeeded so well that) these people there agreed to never take 
the oath of allegiance to the King of Grea+ Britain, and to re- 
main faithful to the King of France, their sovereign.^ 

1714 On his return from Acadia in the Month of January^ 
he was ordered to go to France, to carry despatches from Mon- 
sieur de Costebelle to the Coui-t. He was unfortunately wrecked 
on Reaching the Coast of Brittany, whence he posted to Ver- 
sailles. There he found that he had been appointed Command- 
ant of the port of Toulouse, where he arrived after encountering 
great difficulties, and continued to serve unil 1720. 

1720 He received a command from the King to go and serve 
in Canada. As he was about to start, he was Ordered by 
Monsieur de St Ovide de Brogliand to follow the sieur de Gode- 
ville, the officer Commanding the fleet of Pisle St. Jean, to help 
to settle that island. This resulted in his remaining there by 

1721 the King's Order during 1721, to act as second in Com- 
mand in the said island.^ 

J.722 He was Ordered by the King to replace the sieur de 
Godeville in tlie Command, which he was unable to do as Mon- 
sieur de Beaucourtjthe Lieutenant of L'Isle Royale,had received 
a similar order. 

1723 Monsieur The Marquis de Vaudreuil thought proper 
to send him by land to Boston on the 5tli of October to repre- 
sent to the governor of that place the injury that he did to the 

1 After the treaty of Utrecht, the French claimed that the clause 
ceding Acadia "with its former limits;" meant only that portion of the 
peninsula upon which Port Royal stood. Minas and Beaubassin were 
by that interpretation still on French soil. For further description 
of this embassy, see documents cited by Richard, Acadia (New York 
1895), i, pp. 83-87. This frank avowal by La Ronde of the purpose 
and success of his embassy undoubtedly lessens the weight of the con- 
tention that the British authorities treated the Acadians with undue 
severity, even at this early period of English sovereignty. — Ed, 

2 Isle St. Jean (now Prince Edward's Island) was in r7l9 ceded to 
a French nobleman, who formed a company to settle it. After a brief 
trial, the enterprise proved abortive, and a permanent settlement 
was not made until after the fall of Louisburg. — Ed. 


1739] French Regime in Wisconsin 

Abenakis by taking possession of all their lands.^ He had great 
trouble in reaching there, owing to the season which was far ad- 
vanced, and he carried out the orders and instructions that he 
had received to the satisfaction of Monsieur the Marquis de Vau- 
dreuil.^ But that journey and most of those that preceded it 
were very costly to him, for his Expenses were never reimbursed, 
and he never received any allowance either from the Court or 
from the governors who sent him. 

1727 He was appointed by Monsieur The Marquis de Beau- 
hamois Commandant at Chaoiiamigpn, 600 Leagues from Que- 
bec. On arriving at that post he withdrew from the tribe of 
savages there, who are the Sauteux, a Collar which they had 
received from' the jroquois by the hands of an Olitaois Chief 
called Le feu bleu, and by which they had agreed to destroy the 
entire French nation. On handing me that Collar, they begged 
me to carry it myself to their father, which I did; but I was 
unable to bring them the answer, as they had requested me to do, 
because Monsieur the Marquis de Beauharnois did not deem it 

1728 He remained on garrison duty in the town of Quebec, 
which he would not have done had he not received orders to 
that effect, for during the whole time that he has served the King 
he has sought every occasion to make himself deserving of pro- 

1734 He went to discover the Mines of Lake superior and 
of the other Lakes, and he remained there until 1736, as may 
be seen by the journal Sent by him to Monseigneur the Comte de 

[The remainder of this memoir is a duplicate of the succeeding re- 
port of La Ronde (pp. 309-311), entitled, "Continuation of the Discov- 

1 This was connected with the war between the Abenaki and Massa- 
chusetts (1721-25), the most dramatic feature of which was the kill- 
ing of Father Rasle, the Jesuit missionary. See Charlevoix, History 
of New France, v, pp. 206-282, for the French side of this event; and 
Palfrey, History of Neu; England (Boston, 1875), iv, pp. 434-444, for 
the English.— 'EId. 

2 See evidence in regard to this, ante, p. 20.— Ed. 

[ 305 ] 


[Extract of a letter from Beauharnois to the French Minister. MS. 
In archives of MinistSre des Colonies, Paris; press-mark, "Canada, 
Corresp. g6n., vol. 71, c. 11, fol. 38."] 

You will see, Monseigneur, by the Extract from the Letter of 
the Sieur De la Ronde dated the I7tli February last which I Had 
The honor of Sending you on the 14th August, by the report 
made to me by the Sieur Charly St Ange which I also Had the 
honor of Sending you on the 4th September with the private dec- 
laration made to me by the Miners And by what Monsieur Hoc- 
quart And I have the honor of Writing to you, that four Copper 
Mines have Been found in the Tonnagane Eiver and the Riviere 
HiToire, which they state to contain an abundance of ore. They 
are to have the honor, Monseigneur, of Reporting to you. thereon 
And of bringing you some marcasite from those mines. 

Annexed hereto is a Statement of the distribution of the li- 

I remiain 

Quebec, October 4th, 1739. BeaUHARNOIS 

[Extract from a letter of La Ronde. commandant of Point Che- 
quamagon, to Beauharnois, dated Feb. 17, 1739. MS. in archives of 
MinistSre des Colonies, Paris; press-mark, "Canada, Corresp. g6n., vol. 
71. c. 11, fol. 102."] 

Monsieur — I have Sent to Conduct the Miners to the Tona- 
gane River, with orders to explore all those that Issue from that 
Region, and empty into Lake Superior. They found in the fork 
of the river Masses of Copper in clayey and Sandy Soils, and 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

ery of the Mines," as far as the sentence "I brought them back in my 
vessel to sault Ste. Marie," when the memoir closes as follows:] j 

1736 Whence I took them to Quebec where they made their 
report to Monsieur the general and Monsieur The intendant 
on what they had seen. 

1739] French Regime in Wisconsin 

they said that these Masses Were only fragments that had come 
from the Mountains. They found three Mines of this Metal 
in the Kocks, of which two are on the Kiver St. Anne, which 
is Seven Leagues distant from the Tonagane, to The west-south- 
west. They said that they Were similar to tliose in their own 
country, that is to say, good and rich ; and that there is one of 
the two in which they believe that silver can be found, though 
rhey do not guarantee This ; even if there is none, the Copper 
will prove good.^ They say that these Mines are better than 
Mountains of pure Copper, because the furnace will be run con- 
stantly, because the expense of Cutting the Copper is Consid- 
erable, and they Will produce marcasite^ in melting it; Tlie 
Mines, they say, are at the end of the Lake f the country is fine, 
the woods very favorable, and the Waterfalls in the River are 
very well adapted to furnish power for their furnaces. 

The Third mine is on the Black River, right on the shore of 
the Lake, where they have found the same advantages as on the 
other River. It is fifteen Leagues from Tonagane, toward the 
fiame Point of the compass. 

I have had the Miners take specimens of Ore in several sacks, 
which they are to show you. They wish to Carry them off to 
their country, saying that we have no one in Canada Capable 
of Assaying them. 

1 This appears from the location to be the present Iron River, al- 
though no early maps have been found with this designation; but 
in one authority Iron River is spoken of as the "river where silver 
may be found." The reports of the early geologists, also, indicate that 
some silver was found in this region. See Foster and Whitney 
(op. cit.) — ^Ed. 

2 This word appears several times in connection with the copper 
mines. It means iron pyrites. La Ronde, as Be says, not being fa- 
miliar with minerals, has probably used this word without knowing 
its meaning. It has been translated into "ore," "mineral," etc., ac 
cording to the sense of the sentence. Monsieur Oboltki, our [Quebec] 
mining engineer, has kindly looked over my translation of the part 
regarding the mines. — CKAWFonn Lindsay, translator. 

3 The expression here, "au bout du Lac," means where the lake 
ceases and the river begins; that is, at the mouth of the river. — Ed. 

20 [ 307 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

When the ice melts, I will Send my son to Tonagane with the 
Miners to explore the right branch, where there is a Cliff which 
has a Vein of Copper of which I have gotten a Piece. I am per- 
suaded, Monsieur, that this News will give you pleasure. 

[Letter of La Ronde to the French Minister, dated Oct. 18, 1739. 
Source, same as preceding document, but vol. 65, c. 11, fol. 166.] 

Monseigneur — I thought that I could not avoid leaving my 
post of Chagouamigon to bring back to Quebec the German 
Miners whom you were good enough to send me for the purpose 
of seeking the Copper Mines that were thought, beyond a doubt, 
to exist around Lake Superior and in other places, for, previous 
to their arrival, several masses of almost virgin Copper were 
found in various Places, such as have already been presented to 

You will observe, Monseigneur, by the continuation of my 
journal, which I have the honor of sending you, the careful 
searches that I caused them to make and the Description of the 
four different Mines that we have found, specimens of Ore from 
which I have handed to Messieurs de Beauharnois and Hocquart 
to be sent to you with the Labels indicating the Places where 
Ihey were found, so that you may, Monseigneur, order Assays to 
be made to ascertain which are the richest, in order that I may 
thereby decide upon the steps that I should take to have them 
thoroughly Worked, If they be worth the trouble. These Miners 
assure me that they are as good as any of those that are Worked 
in Germany. They will also have the honor of Describing them 
to you themselves, for I am sending them baek to France with 
that Object, after having fully remunerated them ; but Experi- 
ence will always be the best test, 

I take the liberty, Monseigneur, of sending you a statement 
of all my services since 1687. If I am fortunate enough to se- 
cure your kind attention to them, you will observe, Monseigneur^ 
how painful it is for me that I should have been completely over- 
looked. If my continual application to the faithful performance 

[ 308 ] 


1739] French Regime in Wisconsin 

of my duties during 53 years has not profited me, I implore you, 
Monseigneur, to take steps tO' enable my present long service to 
benefit my Cliildren, who will always make themselves worthy of 
the honor of your protection, whenever you may be pleased to 

nfer advancement on them. The eldest is a man 27 years of 
ge who is a second Ensign ; the second is 23 years old,^ a Cadet 
ith aiguillettes since that rank has been established in Canada, 
and w4io left last spring for the war. 

All these just reasons lead me to hope, Monseigneur, that you 

ill listen favorably to the requests of a father who is still pre- 
pared to shed the last drop of his blood in the service of the King 
and who has always inspired all his Children with the same sen- 

I remain with very profound Respect, Monseigneur, Your 
very humble and very obedient servant, 

La Eonde Dei^ys 

Quebec, October 18th, 1739. 

Continuation of the Discovery of the Mines by Monsieur de la 
Ronde Denis. 

1736 On my arrival at Quebec, I reported my discovery to 
Monsieur The Marquis de Beauharnois, and I begged Mm, 
jointly with Monsieur The intendant, who was going to France, 
to ask Monseigneur, The Comte de Maurepas, to send out skilled 
Miners from the Mining country to find the main lode for we 
found only masses of virgin Copper in rich, red, and sandy soils. 
Monsieur The intendant took with him about 500 pounds in the 
King's ship, and Monsieur the general sent a piece weighing 
about 80 pounds by a ship that sailed for havre de grace. 

1737 I went back to my post, pending the arrival from 
France of the Skilled Miners whom I had asked for. This did 

1 These were Philippe and Pierre Frangois Paul. The elder son was 
still ensign in 1748, and returned to Chequamegon in that year. Ap- 
parently, he retired as ensign on half-pay. The younger was made 
ensign in 1742, and lieutenant in 1753, being killed at Quebec In 
1760.— Ed. 

[ 309 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

not prevent mj making searches for mines on all the Rivers, dur- 
ing the Autumn, winter and spring. I found nothing but masses 
of Copper. Had I had any knowledge of Minerals, I should 
certainly have had no need of Miners. 

1738 I returned in ray vessel to Sault Ste Marie, and I in- 
teniied during Tlie Voyage to land on The island where the 
virgin Copper is said to be [Isle Royale] ; but I encountered a 
gale from the West south West, which veered round to West 
North West, and the sea was as high as on the banks of New 
Foundland. I decided to scud under my Foresail, for I could 
carry no other Sail. I certainly ran 250 leagues in two days 
and a half. When I reached Sault St© Marie, I was never more 
surprised than when I learned that eight days before twO' German 
Miners, father and son, had passed through there on their way 
to join me at Chagouamigon, so that I might take them to the 
places where I had found those Masses of Copper. I remained 
quietly at sault ste Marie awaiting their return. 

I was nevertheless uneasy for I saw no one who could take 
them there. When they returned at the end of a month, I asked 
them what they had se©n and they told me that they had found 
nothing but nodules of Copper (this is what w© call Masses), 
but no main lode. I told them that they must re-embark with 
me. Thereupon they said that Copper was not found in earth 
but in Rock. I replied that they had come from too great a dis- 
tance to allow of their returning so soon; that I would find 
Rocky bluffs for themj in the neighborhood where we could cer- 
tainly discover the main lode ; which I did. 

When I reached Chagouamigon I found war ra^ng more 
fiercely than ever between the sautenx of my post and the sioux 
of the Lakes. I decided to remain at my post to endeavor to re- 
store peace between those two nations, and I sent my eldest son 
with six Frenchmen and two savages in a good Canoe propelled 
by eight paddles to take the Miners to the Tbnagane River. 
They found in the bottom of that River some more Nodules of 
Copper, but no Mines. 

On leaving this River they entered the River Ste Anne six 
leagues to the West of Tonaga. At its entrance thev found two 


1739] French Regime in Wisconsin 

Copper Mines ; one to the right, the other to the left, which they 
state to be as good as any mines in their country, and that the 
waterfalls are very good for supplying the motive power for the 
furnaces ; that the land is very well fitted for Cultivation and 
the timber very suitable for Building forts, Houses, Magazines^ 
and forges ; while the stone is excellent for furnaces. 

On their return they found, six leagues farther to the west 
in the Riviere noire [Black River], a mine that they report to be 
very good ; and they returned to pass the winter at the fort. 

1739 Early in the spring a savage named I'Esperance, the 
bastard son of a Frenchman, showed me a piece of copper that 
he had taken from a Rock at the T'onagane River about a gun- 
shot from the great Mass of Cbpper that lies there, and which 
the Miners saw. 

When the ice had melted, I sent my son with a Canoe Manned 
by six French and two Savages to examine the said Rock. They 
reported that this Rock was a very good mine. Consequently 
this makes four that they know of. I brought them back in my 
vessel to sault ste Marie. 

I sent my vessel back to Chagouamigon under the command of 
my son, with a cargo of provisions, and I put on board of it 
twelve Carpenters and Sawyers to erect buildings at the River 
Sle. Anne, where there are two mines, one to the right and the 
other to the left of the River. The miners claim that they join 
under the bed of the River. I o>rdered my son to go there with 
his workmen as soon as he reached the post of Chagouamigon and 
to build a very strong fort with Barracks, good Magazines, and 
a suitable forge at the place where the Miners said that this 
should be done to take advantage of the water-Falls, and I also 
ordered him to collect stone for the furnaces. 

He also has men for the purpose of making Charcoal, and 
they are likewise to make Flumes in order to carry water tO' the 
furnaces to make blast furnaces of them on the German System. 
After this I resolved to return [to Quebec] in my Canoes with 
the Miners. 

They told me that all along the grand River they had found 
several veins of ore which they call mother lodes. They say that 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

there is a very good one at the Chaiidieres 40 leagues from Mon- 
treal, and, there is no portage to be made throughout that dis- 
tance. There is only the Long saut^ up which the canoes have to 
be taken by Tracking and poling, and in going down the loaded 
canoes run the rapid in the middle of the river. There are 
I^epissing savages who live on the spot and who act as pilots. 
But without making use of that tribe we have very good French- 
men who are just as skilful as they at this work. I think that 
a settlement should be established on the River Ste Anne, and 
that it would be advisable to brinp* out miners from Germany, 
founders, Carpenters, and blacksmiths; of these we shall need 
eight Miners, two founders, a Carpenter, a mason, and a black- 
smith, and they must come from the Mines of Germany so that 
they may be thoroughly conversant with what they have to do, 
and all should be for the River Ste Anne. With regard to the 
Charcoal-burners and wood-Clitters we shall find enough of them 
in Canada. We shall also require two Additional Miners to be 
stationed at the Chaudiores with four good men from among 
those salt-smugglers^ who come from France, and they should be 
put at the spot where the lode is to strip it and if it should be a 
good one, as there seems no reason to doubt, it would be easy to 
Work it at less expense than that on Lake superior, and we could 
have as many men there as we would wish owing to the facility 
with which Provisions could be sent there from the Montreal 

I must now speak of the Steps to be adopted for Working the 
Mines of Lake Superior, which are near one another. I shall 
have to build a vessel of SO tons at Detroit, and' freight it with 

iThe Grand River is the Ottawa, then the usual route from Canada 
to the West. The Chaudiores and the Long Sault are localities 
thereon — the latter, about 45 miles above Montreal, and six miles in 
length, navigation around it is now secured by means of the Grenville 
canal. — Ed. 

iSalt was a government monopoly, and those who were detected 
smuggling it into France were transported to Canada, and used in 
manual labor. Nau describes the wretched condition of these trans- 
ported convicts, in Jes. Reh, Ixviii, p. 229. — Ed. 

[ 312 ] 

1739] French Regime in Wisconsin 

provisions and cattle for the Ciolony at the Mines. I shall bring 
the said vessel to the foot of the saut Ste Marie, and I shall re- 
embark the Effects and cattle in my vessel which is above the 
saut, at a distance of half a league from the other, which I can 
do both by land and by water. 

I have already at that place a mare and two good Horses which 
are now working at the Mines establishment, and when the cattle 
arrive The Colony will be flourishing; for there are no better 
lands nor meadows throughout Canada, and there is an abund- 
ance of the same, while the Climate is very mild, the place being 
on the 461h degTce of Latitude.^ 

My intention would be on starting from saut Ste. Marie to go 
to a Riiver near Machidache, which can be ascended for a dis- 
tance of about five Leagues and in which there is sufficient water 
for the vessel of 80 tons that I shall build. In this River there 
is neither current nor rapid. After this we go by land about 
eight leagues. The Road is quite practicable for Carts and 
close to the village of the Missisagiies we come to Lake odontario ; 
the barks on this lake go to la galette where you take Bateaux 
du Cent to go down to Montreal, and by this means avoid a por- 
tion of Lake Huron, Lake St. Clair, and Lake Herie, which is 
very shallow and has no harbors." Starting from the Niagara 
portage at a distance of six leagTies there is a Rapid called the 

iln reality, it is about on the 47° of latitude.— Ed. 

2 La Ronde is here describing the Toronto portage from Georgian 
Bay, by way of Matchedash Bay, the Severn River, Lake Siracoe, and 
the land route to the site of Toronto, where there was a Mississagua 
village. David Boyle, of the Provincial Museum at Toronto, thinks 
the river without current or rapid must be Holland River, but that 
the whole passage is obscure. La Ronde probably reported this from 
hearsay, rather than actual observation. La Galette was at the exit 
of Lake Ontario. The phrase "Batteaux du Cent" has given rise to 
various explanations. Benjamin Suite thinks that without doubt it 
meant boats that would carry packages of one hundred pounds weight, 
the ordinary birch bark canoe holding "pieces de cinquante" — that 
is, of fifty pounds weight. Crawford Lindsay thinks it is probably 
intended for "Bateaux des Cente," or "Bateaux de descente" — those 
for descending the rapids. — Eu, 

[ 313 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

Rapide plat which is not navigable for vessels. We shall also 
avoid the Niagara portage, which is four leagues in length and 
in which there are tiiree hills not practicable for Carts. There- 
fore I see no other Eoad for bringing down the products of the 
Mines than by the River I have mentioned, and the said portage 
may be called Torontaux as there are three on that tongue of 
land; and by this means a long Journey will be avoided and we 
shall be saved the necessity of building vessels and consequently 
ccnsiderable expense.^ 

[The following "Relation made by John Adam Forster, father and 
son," dated 1739, is translated from a transcript in Macalester College 
library, published in Macalester College Contributions, series 1, No. 4, 
p. 114.] 

1st They have been to the Tonagua river to visit the rich cop- 
per mine from which specimens have been sent, but they found 
only one piece of rock from said mine which could truly contain 
a thousand pounds weight of copper ; besides, there did not seem 
to be any absolute indications of a mine at that place; but in 
returning toward Lake Superior, at a distance of a league and a 
half from there, they found a vein or lode from which this piece 
could have been taken, as the vein contained a little pure copper, 
in the matrix, from which they cut and carried off as much as 
they could, without the proper tools. 

One could never see a mine, apparently finer, and it is certain 
that if one wished to start in the business and invest money there, 
a great return in copper might be hoped for. 

2nd. At Orinial river, five leagues from the first place, they 
found a fine appearing slate mine where were five layers, one 
above another, and many signs of a copper mine, from which 
specimens have been sent your Highness, which will show by as- 
saying whether it is good or not. 

3 Considerable interest was awakened in Canada by the discovery of 
these mines. Father Nau wrote to Madame Aulneau, Oct, 12, 1739: 
"An inexhaustible mine of copper has been discovered on the shores 
of lake Superior, 700 leagues from here; but the profits will never be 
very great, owing to the immense expense of transporting the copper." 
Jes. Rel., Ixix, p. 39. — ^Ed. 


1739] French Regime in Wisconsin 

In tlie same place is found a vein or lode where copper can be 
recognized in the matrix and which is very hopeful. 

3rd. At Black river, nine miles from there, in the same direc- 
tion, is found a good mine of coppery slate in one layer only, but 
a foot and a half deep, which would pay being worked. 

4th. At the Lake Nepucin portage there are six veins or lodes, 
which are magnificent, and altliough no mine has been remarked, 
it is highly probable that in working there it would be found. 


[Letters from Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated June 30, 
and Oct. 12, 1739. MSS. in archives of Minist^re des Colonies, Paris; 
press-mark, "Canada, Corresp. g6n„ vol. 71, c. 11, fol. 35, 52-58."] 

MoNSEiGNEUR — The Sieur Marin^ arrived here on the 25th 
of this month, with two SqIoux And a P'uant. He reports that 
the Kenards And Sakis have not dared to go and Establish them- 

iThere appears to have been more than one French officer of this 
name, and the sketch in Wis. Hist. Colls., v, pp. 116, 117, has confused 
two different persons. Pierre Paul, Sieur Marin, was born in 1692, 
and married Marie Josette Guyon in 1718. In 1727 he was one of 
the trading company at the Sioux post, and in 1730 among the Folles 
Avoines in Wisconsin. After spending 1739-40 at Rock River and 
La Baye, he made application in 1741 to go to France, and to securo 
an ensigncy for his son. In 1745, he commanded an expedition against 
Saratoga and in 1747 was in command at St. Joseph River. In 1750, 
he was sent to re-occupy the post among the Sioux, and remained there 
until 1752, when he was summoned to take command of the Ohio 
country, and led a large force thither to build Fort le Boeuf. He died 
at this latter place in 1753, and was succeeded by St. Pierre. His son 
Joseph, ensign in 1748, lieutenant in 1756, was also a "noted French 
partisan." In 1749 he was in command at Chequamegon; in 1752 
he relieved his father among the Sioux and at La Baye; made an at- 
tack on a convoy from Fort Oswego in 1756; and the next year dis- 
played great valor at Fort William Henry. He was taken prisoner 
at the fall of Quebec, and went to France to live. The Marin (Morand) 
reported living in Wiconsin after 1763— Wis. Hist. Colls., ill, p. 211 — 
was probably a half-breed. — Ed. 

[ 315 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

selves at la Baye, because some ill-disposed Freacli had told 
them that I was Sending a large body of soldiers to Eiat them 
up. He reassured them By telling them that this Was for the 
purpose of destroying tiie Chicaehas.^ They answered that, if 
they did not see the war club coming down Upon Their heads, 
they would no longei* Listen to evil speeches. The Sgioux, in the 
name of Six villages and of all their young men, begged Him to 
forget the Bad Actions committed by their Warriors, assuring 
Him that this would not happen again, and that they wished to 
oome down to bring their Bodies to the Father of all the Nations, 
and to ask his Mercy. 

The Sieur Marin has, Monseigneur, restored Peace and tran- 
quility in all those quarters, which is very favorable for the Se- 
curity and re-establishment of the Posts. 

I am with very great Kespect, Monseigneur, Your very humble 
and very obedient Servant, 

Montreal, June 30th, 1739. 

Monseigneur — I Had The honor of informing you, in a com- 
munication of June 30th last — of which I subjoin a Duplicate — ■ 
of The arrival of the Sieur Marin at Montreal, on the 25tli of 
the same month, with two scioux And a Puant. Monsieur Hoc- 
quart And myself have Had the honor of reporting to you, in 
the Royal memoir, various items relating to his expedition And 
his departure. 

You will find enclosed, Monseigneur, the words of the Scioux 
to the Sieur Marin, at the River of the Swan on the Mississippi ; 

iThis was the Canadian expedition, commanded by Baron de Lon- 
gueuil, which left Montreal June 30, 1739, to go to the assistance of 
Bienville, governor of Louisiana, in his attack upon the Chickasaw. 
They proceeded by way of the Ohio to Fort Assomption (Memphis, 
Tenn.), where they rendezvoused with the southern wing; the west- 
ern, commanded by C61oron and St. Pierre; and that from Illinois, 
commanded by Buissoni^re. For a graphic account of this expedition 
related by a participant, see Claiborne, Mississippi (Jackson, 1880), 
pp. 64-85. — ^Ed. 


1739] French Regime in Wisconsin 

those which have Been addressed to me by the chiefs who came 
down ; My Replies ; The Words of the Puants ; those of the Ren- 
ard Chiefs on The other Side of the Mississippi; those of the 
Sakis, and of a Fox Chief In private with four Warriors ; And 
those of the Sakis and Eenards Together.^ By these you will 
be able to judge, Monseigneur, what we may expect from all the 

The Affair of the Eenards, who killed a Frenchman in Ilinois, 
I found a very delicate one. The Sieur Marin has told me that 
it was a mistake. And that he expected that that N'ation would 
Deliver up the murderer to him, to be brought to Me this Spring. 
I left him free to act, within his Instructions, according to The 
circumstances of the Case, And the furtherance of the service. 
You are aware, Monseigneur, that in the present conditions no 
otber decision was possible. I have Been informed that this 
Frenchman Was a Soldier, who had deserted from Fort Chartres, 
and was making his escape. The Sieur Marin has assured me, 
Monseigneur, that he would bring with him next Summer sev- 
eral scioux Chiefs, as the favorable reception accorded by the !N'a- 
tions among whom they passed to the two who came down w^ould 
Induce The others to descend. 

The Sieur De Celoron Writes me, June 13 last, that the two 
S'oioux, whom the Sieur Marin brought with him, were extreme*- 
ly well received in the village of the Outaois, who said that they 
would do with pleasure everything that their father Onontio 
might desire, in order to give tranquillity to the country. He 
adds that the Scioux were much delighted by this Reception. 

If it is possible, Monseigneur, to succeed in making this N^a- 
tion obedient again, it Will be a great advantage to the upper 
Country, And to the colony. I am sure that the Sieur Marin 
will do all in his power to succeed in this. And I have enough 
Confidence in him to believe that he will accomplish it. 

As Regards the Renards And Sakis, the Matter appears to me 
a more difficult one, because La Baye is no longer as fertile as it 
Was, And because they regard the Placo with suspicion on ac- 

iThe first three are missing from the speeches that follow,— Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

count of the Things that have happened there. If we absolutely 

can not bring them to the decision to re-establish themselves 
there, we will Choose a Place for them in the vicinity, where 
they can live. I have, however, g'iven orders to the Sieur Marin 
to make every Effort to Induce them to do as we desire, And to 
make them come down with the Scioux And the Puants. !N'ext 
spring, I shall have The honor, Monseigneur, of sriving yon an 
Account of everything. 

I am with the greatest respect, Monseigneur, Your very hum- 
ble and very obedient servant 

Quebec, Oct. 12th, 1739. 

Woi'ds of the Puants to the Siewr Marin, assigned to Roch River 
on the Mississippi, November 17, 1738. 

My Father, we have learned that you Had arrived, which has 
Led us to Tell you what Has happened in the Course of The 

While we Were down at Montreal, The Kenards with some Sa- 
kis made War on the Ilinois and killed a Frenchman. The 
Chief of the Band Is a Renard. 

We have come to tell you, that if we did not wait for you at 
the Rock River, it is because we fled in the direction of the Ili- 
nois, for fear that the Scioux might come and attack us. 

We have learned that our Kinsmen, the Sakis and Renards, 
had a desig'n to effect a reconciliation with Them, And that they 
did not want peace with us. This is what forced us to go so far 
to escape them. 

My father, this does net Prevent us from Listening to your 
words And from doing everything that our father Onontio de- 
sires of us. 

Words of two Renard Chiefs of the Band which is on the other, 
side of the Mississippi, November 28, 1738. 

My Father, we have come to Inform you of the mischief 
which our people have done to the French of the Ilinois: they 


1739] French Regime in Wisconsin 

have killed one of Them, which causes us much grief and Em- 
barrasses us greatly. 

^ I will tell you, my Father, that we have no share in this wicked 
.affair, And that none of our young men were concerned in it. 
All were of the Band of Mekaga, who has gone down to Mon- 
treal, to see our Father Onontio. 

We have learned that he Is not pleased with our Being here; 
but we are not, however, doing any wrong here, as we have only 
come here to provide for our families who would meet with hard- 
ships elsewhere. 

You have perhaps been told, my Father, that we see the 
Scioux, — this is only for the purpose of Keeping them' from at- 
tacking the French And our allies. They have told us that they 
Were very soi*ry because of the bad things which their young 
naen have done, And that if they believed that you w^ould be will- 
ing tO' Listen to them they would com^ to see you. 

My Father, we are ready to do the will of Onontio, And to 
return to our former Territory, but we have not, as he has, the 
same authority over our young warriors. We are going to I^abor 
with them, And I hope tliat this Spring you will have reason to 
Be satisfied. 

Words of the Sakis, on January 22, 1739. 

My Father, we have not failed, on our arrival, to say to all 
our people that our Father Onontio wished that we should re- 
kindle our fire at La Baye, our former Village. The majority 
would not Like to go there, as they say that the Puants, wHo 
passed The Sumimer there. Had great difficulty in subsisting, 
and that there are no longer any Crops, fishing or hunting to be 
had there, because it is a soil that can no longer produce any- 
thing. Being Stained with French blood and with our own. 
However we are going to try to Persuade them to move this 
Spring, And to Listen to the word of Our Father. 

Words of Mekaga, a Renard chief with four imrriors, on Janu- 
ary 31. 
My Father, if I have so long delayed in coming to see you, it 
is because of the shame And grief that I feel because our young 

[ 319 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

men liave killed a Frenchman in the Ilinois, while I Was at 
Montreal, to see Our Father Onontio. 

When I arrived at my village, I became very angry, And if I 
had not Been restrained, I do not know what I should have done. 
I said to my people : "You Are dog^ ; while I go to beg for your 
lives, you kill a Frenchman." They told me that they did not 
Know him, as they had shot from a great distance, And that it 
Was a mistake. 

I will tell you, My Father, that I did not fail to make known 
to all my village that Our Father wished that we should re-kindle 
our fires at La Baye. Some are opposed to this, but I Hope in 
the Course of The winter to persuade them to go there. 

Words of the Sakis and Renards at Rock River on May 10. 

My Father, you know in what manner we spoke to you this 
winter. We Had resf-lved to do what Our Father Onontio De- 
manded of Us, to go and re-kindle our fire on our Former land 
at La Baye, but to-day we see clearly that we are dead. We 
await the Thunder which hangs above our heads ready to Crush 
us. We have been warned of this by many French and savages, 
who have told us that our Father wished to kill all of us, And 
that he was Sending a Considerable Army Composed of French 
And of all His Children the Iroquois, Abenakis, hurons, Algon- 
kins. And Nepissingues. 

There is, my Father, a folle-avoine named Ouoilechase, who 
has assured us that we Were dead. And that you had come to 
take us to La Baye, while waiting for The army to arrive ; And 
that, if you had not Wished to Destroy us all Together, Mekaga 
and the others who went down to Montreal, Would not have re- 

My Father, it is in vain for you to deny this thing, it is im- 
possible to get It out of The Minds of our young men, and we 
expect every day the Blow of the war-club. In spite of this, we 
remain. You leave us in great anxiety. If this does not happen, 
we will no longer Listen to Evil speeches; And we will Here- 
after do everything that our Father Onontio wishes. 


French Regime in Wisconsin 

[Monsieur de Bauharnois to the Minister.] 

[Quebec, 6th November, 1739.] 
^ "The Sieur Doiiville de la Saussaye' charged with my orders 
' amongst the Ohaoiianoiis for The Execution of my Project which 
I Had The honor of communicating to you in my despatch of 
the 9th of October last, arrived here yesterday afternoon bring- 
ing the News of the Wreck of the Bark, on the 5th of October 
While returning from ]Sriagara.- He Was fortunately able to 
assist all the ship-wrecked party whom he brought to fort Froni- 
tenac.^ It is believed that nothing will be lost. As he cannot 
return before next spring owing to the Season Being too far ad- 
vanced, he has sent an Express to Them (the Chaouanons) to in^ 
form them of his having put back. I have, through this oppor- 
tunity, received several Letters from the upper Country. 

Konsieur de la Buissonniere Writes me on the 2nd of July 
last that he had just received the Letters I had sent him for 
Messieurs Be Bienville And Salmon and that he had at once 
despatched an officer to bear my packages to i^ew O'rleaiis.* He 
tells me that Monsieur De Bienville has changed the date of the 
Rendezvous, And that he was to start from the French river, 

1 Philippe Dagneau Douville, Sieur de la Saussaye, was born in 1700, 
and entered the colonial army, holding several appointments in the 
upper country. He was especially employed among the Shawnee until 
1743, and later in the councils at Quebec. In 1759, after abandoning 
Toronto (Fort Rouille), where he was commandant, upon the loss of 
Fort Niagara, he retired from the service. One of his sons was killed 
on the Ohio in 1757.'--Ed. 

2 Note on original MS.: "Extract with the King's memorial of what 
it states regarding the wreck of the bark." 

3 Fort Frontenac was built by the governor of that name in 1673, 
and two years later granted as a seigniory to La Salle. During King 
William's War (1689-97), it was abandoned and partially destroyed 
(1689), being restored in 1695. After this it was maintained until 
captured by the English in 1758. The site of the fort— sometimes 
called Cataraqui, from its Indian name — ^was the present city of 
Kingston.— Ed. 

4Alphonse de BuissoniSre succeeded the unfortunate D'Artaguette 
as commandant at Fort Chartres, in Illinois, which was a dependency 
of the Louisiana government, where Jacques Le Moyne, Sieur de 
Bienville, was governor, and Salmon intendant. — Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [vol 


a supply Post where goods are stored, on the 15th of October at 
the latest/ 

Monsieur De Ctelorcn writes me from the Kiakiqui" on the 
12th of August that his party consisted of 143 picked men, 40 of 
whom were French, And that he eixpected to increase it by more 
than 30 men In passing through the Maskoutins. 

The Sieur De E'oyelle writes me on the 26th of August that 
all Is quiet at detroit ; that he had reason to flatter himself that 
this would continue And, for his part, he would spare no effort 

The Sieur do Blainville Writes me from Missilimakinac^ on 
the 28th of September that everything was Equally quiet at that 
Post, And The Sieur de Tonty writes me that the Folles Avoines 
are to go down to Montreal next year. 

This, Monseigneur, is a ship-wreck that causes great trouble 
to the Sieur de la Saussaye in his affairs. He says that the loss 
will amount to at least three thousand Livres. He is deserving 
of all your kindness on this occasion. 

He has reported t^) me that the Sieur Douville, his brother,* 
Had started from Niagara toward the end of September to take 
the presents for the Outaouais to Detroit 

I remain etc. 
Quebec, November 6th, 1739. Beauhabnois 

1 The rendezvous here mentioned was for the army about to set forth 
on the second expedition against the Chickasaw. The temporary- 
fort was at the mouth of St. Francis River (not Riviere des Francais, 
as the Paris MS. has it), where that river flows from Arkansas into 
the Mississippi. — Ed. 

2 This was Pierre Joseph C^loron, commandant at Mackinac (1737- 
42), for whom see ante, p. 207. TheTheakiki (Kiakiqui) River was the 
present Kankakee, south branch of the Illinois. There was an import- 
ant portage to this river from Lake Michigan and St. Joseph River, near 
the present South Bend, Indiana. C61eron had probably started from 
Fort St. Joseph, near the site of Niles, Mich. — ^Ed. 

3 This was the younger Celeron, Jean Baptiste, Sieur de Blainville, 
for whom see ante, p. 207. He commanded at Mackinac in his brother's 
absence. — ^Ed. 

*This was probably the Dagneau Douville, who commanded among 
the Miami in 1747-48, and was sent out from Fort Duquesne in 1756 
on a foraging expedition. He attacked a blockhouse fort on th<» 
Cacapon, in Hampshire County, Va., but was slain in the assault— Ed. 

[ 322 ] 




1740] French Regime in Wisconsin 


[Speech of the Sioux to French commandant MS. in archives of 
Minist^re des Colonies, Paris; pressmark, "Corresp. gen,, vol. 
74, 0. 11, fol. 85."] 

Words of two Siotix Chiefs, Ninsotin or two-hearts, Ouor 
hachas,^ and eight Warriors. To the Sieur Marin at Rock 
River, March 9, llJfO. 

My Father, we Have Come in the name of our Chiefs and 
old men, to inform jou of the mischief which our people, who 
Were waiting for jou at the portage of the Ouisconsin, have 
done to the Outaouaos. 

My Father, this outrage was committed only on account 
of the bad News which the Renards brought us. They told 
us that our people, whomi you had taken last year to Montreal 
to ask their lives of our Father Onontio, and to ask him to 
receive us among the numiber of his Children, had. been put 
to death On arriving there. In spite of this. My Father, our 
people waited a week Longer to learn if this report Was true. 
Aft^r that, there came an Outaouac C'anoe, in which there 
was a man and a woman who landed peaceably. Our people 
asked them if they had not some news of you and. of those 
who Had gone down mth you to seo our Father Onontio. 
The Outaouac woman answered that they had no other news 
to tell them; except that their people had been burned on ar- 
riving at Montreal. Immediately three or four of their 

iThis is the earliest known mention of Wabashaw, the first of three 
Sioux chiefs of the same name. He was leader of the largest band of 
that tribe, and had a village near the present site of Winona, Minn. 
He was a devoted adherent of the British in the Revolutionary War, 
who spoke of him as a chief of "singular and uncommon abilities." 
Receiving a commission nominating him as general, he took part in the 
expedition against St. Louis in 1780, and went several times to Quebec, 
there being given flags and medals. His coming was always recognized 
at Mackinac by a salute of honor. His son Wabashaw succeeded him, 
taking part on the British side in the War of 1812-15, and joining the 
Americans in the pursuit of Black Hawk. He died in 1835. A grand- 
son of the same nam,e was prominent in 1848. — Ed. 

21 [ 323 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

young kinsmen arose, and crushed the Otitaonacs with blows 
of their Avar-clubs. This, m^ Father, is the manner in which 
this outrage came to pass. We have not come her'e for the 
purpose of hiding anything from you, nor to' Excuse those 
of our people who have done this grievous deed. We have 
eoone here to deliver up our Bodies; we are ready to' undergo 
all the penalties that we deserve. We beg you to infortn Our 
Father Onontio of this. This is all that we have to say to You. 


[Speeches of the Foxes, Sauk, "Winnebago, Ottawa, and Menominee, 
to Governor-general Beauharnois, June 20, 1740. Source, same as pre- 
ceding document, but fol. 86.] 

Le Moine speahing for the Sakis arid Renards through a Slave. 

My Father, I am, Hired by the Sakis and Renards. What 
I am going to say, dties not come from me. 

My Father, it Is true that there are ill-disposed Men in 
our Village. This has !not Prevented !me from comling ^to 
see you. I have Listened to none of their speeches. 

My Father, when. I resolved to come and see you, I said 
to Monsieur Marin that I had no conveyance; I begged him 
to give me passage. 

My Father, I have always Listened to you, and I have not 
doubted for a moment all that you have formerly said to me. 
Monsieur Marin told us, last summer, that we Had gone too 
Far away from, our Lands, and that we must go nearer. 

My Father, I told Monsieur Marin that we had chosen a 
Place where Food Was Abundant. 

My Father, I trust always to You, and I do not See any 
others upon whom I can count, since it is you who give us life- 

My Father, I come here to ask our lives of you. You Aje 
the master. We put our wives and our Children under your 

[ 324 ] 


1740] French Regime in Wisconsin 


' My Father, we can ask of you nothing that is more precious 
than life. We ask it of you to-day In promising to Be faith- 
ful to you. 

Protect us in order that we may live in Peace. 

My Father, what I have just said to you Is said in the nam.© 
of the Sakis and Rewards. I beg you to Listen to what I say 
through this Slave. 

Words of a Puaivt, hy a String of Porcelain 

My Father, I have come with my Kinsmen, the Sakis and 
Renards. Our Chiefs Were ashamed and did not dare to Come 
among you. But I have come to tell you that I have Been killed 
by my allies who are here. I have not a bad Heart, however, 
and I leave everything to your justice. 

Words of an Outaouac 

I do not come here^ My Father, for anything bad but for 
somelthing good. I was killed and my sister and my brother 
likewise, last autumn. On Entering the Lands [of the Sioux]- 
^ My Father, I have always Had a Desire to go and avenge 
myself for the Outrage done me. At the very time that I was 
thinking of this. Monsieur Marin arrived, who told me to re- 
main quiet, to weep over my dead, and to await fromi you. My 
Father, the justice that is due me. 

After Monsieur Marin Had calmed me, I remained quiet 
wating until I Should see you. 

How should the Scioux have done othenvise than kill us? 
They strike everywhere. They killed four Re<nards last fall. 
In spite of this we have had no evil thoughts. And we wish to do 
the will of our Father. 

Our brothers, the Sauteux, always traverse our country when 
they go to make war On the Scioux. This displeases us. They 
Sow Terror and fear in our villages. They have a shorter road 
from Their country without passing through our Territory. 

Words of the foUes-avoines 

It is without any purpose. My Father, that we combe here. It 
is only in order to see you, as well as our young people who are 

[ 325 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

here. We Are glad to have Heard what our brothers have just 
said, and will report it in our village. 

Mj Father, if all that has just been said is sincere, it pleases 
us greatly, because it can lead only to good Results. 

My Fathei^, it gives us great pleasure to Have come to see 
you and to Listen to your words, although we Are destitute of 

My Father, all of us, both old and young, have great joy in 
seeing you. We Hope that your breasts will flow In owe favor. 


[Letter of De Noyan, commandant at Detroit, to the French Minister. 
Source, same as preceding document, but vol. 89, c. 11, fol. 194.] 

Detroit, August 6, 1740. 
MoNSEiGNETjR — It would be useless for me to undertake to 
give Your Grace a fair and accurate report on the condition of 
this post, on the advantages that might be derived from it and 
the measures that should be taken to have a considerable settle- 
ment here. I have not been here long enough. One hundred 
resident families can be counted here both in the town and in 
the country, that is to say about as many traders as farmers. 
The latter till the soil. But the small market they find for their 
produce compels them to be content with harvesting what suf- 
fices for their needs. The former, who are certainly too numer- 
ous, far from making Trade flourish, ruin themselves owing to 
the low price to which they have reduced their goods which are 
sold at the prices they cost in Quebec. They try and see wh ) 
can sell them cheapest to get more Furs from; the Savages. 
Nevertheless, the cost of transport is considerable. Hence it 
follows. Men Seigneur, that as they cannot meet their engage- 
ments to the Montreal merchants who supply them, their goods 
and houses are sold every day for tho benefit of the latter who 
have more mortgages in detroit than detroit is worth. Outside, i\ 
the Savages threaten to withdraw ; the hurons live ever in dis- '' 



' 1740] 

French Regime in Wisconsin 

trust of Ike Outavas. And, as the latter are Much, more numer- 
ous, the former have taken a firm resolution to retire to Mon- 
treal ; detroit will lose nothing by this as the Chaouenons are to 
take tlieir place. If I cannot prevent this migration of the 
hurons, I hope at least, Monseigneur, to avert the consequences 
of the proximity of two nations hostile to one another and to 
make them live in peace. 

Your gi^ace was good enough to grant me a concession 
between Madame dargenteuil and the Gentlemien of the Quebec 
Seminary/ Monsieur Hocquart alone finds objections to it 
which I do not very well understand and which Monsieur the 
Marquis de Beauharnois has not raised. Permit m© therefore, 
Monseigneur, to repeat my application to you. 

I took the liberty last year of asking Your grace for a Oroas 
of St Louis. Monsieur the marquis de Beauhomois was good 
Enough to support my request, and I hope, Monseigneur, you 
will not refuse me That mark of distinction in the position in 
which you were pleased to place me amongst nations that hold 
in consideration only those who wear a decoration. Such a 
favor will leave me but little to desire, will crown all the Kind- 
ness your grace has shown me, and carry to the highest degree 
the infinite gratitude, the most submissive devotion, and the 
profound respect with which 

I remain, Monseigneur Your Grace's very humble and very 
obedient servant 


1 Madame d'Argenteuil (Marie Louise Denys) was the widow of 
Pierre D'Ailleboust, Sieur d'Argenteuil (see Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, pp. 
253, 263), brother-in-law of Claude de Ramezay (see ibid., p. 300). 
The seigniory of Argenteuil was granted (1680) to Charles Joseph 
d'Ailleboust, Sieur de Musseaux, Pierre's father; it extended along the 
Ottawa River, below the Sault, in the present county of Argenteuil. 
Pierre died of apoplexy in 1711, and the title to the seigniory passed 
to his wife's family. 

The Quebec seminary, established by Laval, first bishop of Quebec, 
for the training of young men for the priesthood, was richly endowed 
with lands; among these was the island of Jesus, which is probably 
referred to here. — Ed. 

[ 327 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 


[Extract from a letter of Father de la Richardie, Jesuit missionary 
at Detroit, to Father St. P6, dated Detroit, Aug. 26, 1740.i Source, 
same as preceding document, but vol. 74, c. 11, fol. 268.] 

Reverend Father — An Outaouacs who goes to Choueghen 
[Oswego] for Brandy gives me an opportunity of sending this 
letter which I address to Monsieur de Boucherville, the Com- 
mandant of Niagara.^ Perhaps I shall Write you another in 
a few days. I shall do so if a party of Bandits from the Sault 
come back from the Chicaohas with some captives. I expect 
their arrival from day to day. As the Affairs of the liurona 
are those respecting which you are anxious for the fullest d> 
tails, I will give them. 

There is no Change in their project of going to Settle near 
you. The only thing that Hinders the Carrying out of the 
project, is Savage vanity that does not wish to appear to flee, 
and seeks to Conceal its fear, by saying to the neighboring N'a- 
tions, that they are being Taken from their fire, in order that 
another may be Kindled for them. I am urged daily to Induce 
Monsieur the General to Send a message by which he will Re- 
move them from here and settle them near him. This is but 
a pretext. The Truth is that they wish it to be the people of 
the Sault or of the Lake. The latter are no friends of mine 
as you may imagine. Thus, if Monsieur The General wishes 
to Grant their Prayer, the people of the Sault must be their 
Agents and their deputation miust come here next spring to exer- 
cise the gentle pressure that is desired. The Dmnkard 
Angouirot alone, with three or four Cabins, is opposed to this 
Removal. It will not be difficult for me to Urge them to it if 
it is to be effected. If Monsieur the General does pot approve 
this project, here is a second one that I am directed to submit 
to him. It is that, to allay their continual alarms, he allow 

iFor sketch of Father Richardie, see ante, p. 102. Saint Pe was at 
this time superior of the Canadian missions, with headquarters at Mon- 
treal. See sketch, ante, p. 253. — Ed. 

2 For sketch of Boucherville, see ante, p. 36. — Ed. 

[ 338 ] 

mo] French Regime in Wisconsin 

them to establish themselves three leases from here on an 
island called grosse isle/ There, they say, as they will see 
no more Oiitaouaes, they will be a little more in peace. Xot- 
withijtanding the Labors entailed by a !N'ew Establishment I 
am in accord with their desires, convinced as I am that their 
destruction is manifest, and will never be due to anything but 
their proximity to and their mingling with the French and 
faithless nations. I beg therefore that their fate be decided 
one way or the othei* next spring so that I may set to work in 
earnest and gather them together. The majority dwell at the 
little Lake [Kondeau Harbor] and come here only on the ap- 
proach of the great feasts. All have promised me to leave it for 
either of the residences although I think they will be hardly 
more in peace on the Island in question thmn here. Please send 
a positive answer by the Sailors of the Niagara Bark. 


[Letter from Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated Oct. 1, 1740. 
Source, same as preceding document, but fol. 80.] 

MoNSEiGisrEUR — I havc received The Letter you did me The 
honor of Writing to me on the 2nd of May last. The Sieur 
Marin arrived in Montreal on the 16th of June with the Chiefs 
of the Sakis, Renards, Puants, Outaouacs and folles avoines. 
As Mbnsieur Hocquart and I have Had The honor of informling 
you in the reply to the King's memorial, he was unable to Bring 
the Scioux with him, owing to the attack they had made on the 
Outaouacs, and that which the latter had made on Them with 
the Sauteux. You will observe, Monseigneur, by their 

iSee description of Grosse Isle (Grand Isle) in Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, 
p. 366.— Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

Speeches,' that they came to that officer on the 9th of March at 
the Riviere a la Koche,^ to surrender their Bbdies and beg their 
lives of me. He replied that he could decide nothing without 
Knowing my will. I Conferred with the Sieur Marin on the 
matter and told him to re-establish peace in the Posts as far as 
he could and to Induce the Scioux, if possible, to come down 
next Spring; that this Was the true way to obtain peace, and 
that that Nation would find no obstacles in the road, as they had 
covered the dead of the Outaouacs and re^assured their Minds. 
I have no intention, Mcnseigneur, of founding New Establish- 
ments in their country unless I am Sure of success. 

You will see, Monseigneur, by the speeches of the Saki& 
and Rienards, that they seem disposed to do nothing Wrong in 
future. Their fear of Monsieur de Longueuil's Detachment 
has Been completely dissipated.^ Nevertheless, the Sieur De 
Noyan Wrote me on the 4th of August, as a piece of News cur- 
rent amongst the Savages, which he did not credit, that the 
Renards at the time they were Sending their Chiefs and Eldera 
to Montreal with fine messages of obedience and submission^ 
passed by the belle-Riviere [Ohio] and stayed with the Iroquois. 
Had this Been true, I think I should have Been informed of it. 

The Sieur Marin Was dangerously 111 all Winter and a part 
of the Spring ; this Prevented him from Carrying out the orders 
I had given him in his instructions with reference to the soldier 
whom the Renards killed Last Year in the Ilinois country. 
As that Nation Had come to me to beg for their lives and assure 
me of their fidelity, I thought it would not be advisable in the 
presence of all the Savages to revive a Matter that was past and 
gone, and rgarding which they had offered Excuses, saying that 
it Was a Mistake. Had he brought me the murderer as he 
Hoped to do, While gi-anting him his life, I would have re- 
proached them for their Evil deed and made them feel my good- 
ness to Them, for the Nature of the Savages Necessitates great 

iRock River, an Illinois-Wisconsin tributary of the Mississippi. The 
same name was often given to the Great Miami. — Ed. 
2 See ante, p. 316, note. — Ed. 

[ 330 ] 

mo] French Regime in Wisconsin 

In the Memorial of the King we Had The honor of Telling 
you the reasons that Prevented the Ohaouanons from eonimg 
do^vn this year. They are to come next spring. I have sent 
an answer to the Messages they Sent me, by Vincent Poudret,' 
who will start from Montreal shortly to take it to them. I shall 
know what I am to think with regard to their Migration. 
What the Sienr De Noyan writes me, that as soon as the hnrons 
leave, the Ohaouanons will come and take their place, leads me 
to Hope that I shall have no difficulty in inducing them to do so, 
as they Are very docile. And the individual named Chartier" 
seems very well disposed. 

I shall now, Monseigneur, have The honor of Relating to 
you all that has taken place in Connection with the hurons and 
Outaouacs of Detroit since last year. You will see by our reply 
to the King's Memorial that it seems impossible to quiet those 
Nations and to calm their Minds. Father De la Richardie 
Wrote me om the 10th of May, that he spent seven months at 
Sandoske with the former ; that the threats of Entatsogo, the 
Chief of Sault St. Louis, uttered in Connection with the Peace 
made by the Hurons with the Tetes-plates, seemed to have taken 

^Born in October, 1694; son of Antoine Poudret, a baker of Bou- 
cherville.— Ed. 

2 This is an early mention in French documents of the well-known 
Shawnee trader and leader, Peter Chartier. He has generally been 
supposed to be a half-breed; but his father, Martin Chartier, was set- 
tled as a glover in Philadelphia before 1707. In 1717, Martin received a 
grant of 500 acres upon the Susquehanna in behalf of his son Peter, 
who began trading with the Shawnee there, and received a Pennsyl- 
vania license in 1730. When the tribe removed to the Allegheny (about 
1728), Chartier went with them, and built a trading-post first on Char- 
tier's Creek below Pittsburg, later at Chartier's Old Town about twenty 
miles above the forks of Ohio. He became dissatisfied with his treat- 
ment at the hands of Pennsylvania authorities, and made overtures to 
the French, and by 1745, according to orders of Governor Beauhamois, 
had removed his band in the direction of the Wabash. He was re- 
warded with a French commission, but his subsequent career is not 
known. Habitants of that name (Pierre Chartier) were living In Illi- 
nois in 1790. — Ed. 

[ 331 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xTii 

away from them all inclination to Setitle near them [at Sault 
St. Louis]. They told him to beg me to Excuse them if ihej 
did not go down to Montreal and to let their brothers in Prayer 
know that the Custom Amongst Savages Is not to go and beg 
for protection and an asylum whilst in fear ; that if Com,passion 
were felt for them^ it was Their duty to come and Console them 
and kindled a fresh fire in a Place where they could be Deemed 
in safety. 

The Sieur De N"oyelle wrote me on the 7th of June last that 
he had found a sure way to Induce the Hurons to live in union 
with tlie Olitaouacs and Sauteux and secure tranquillity at De- 
troit, but that it had been taken from him, And that the Sieur 
de Sabrevois,^ who Was a Witness thereof, would Inform me 
of it. I asked him today what the Sieur De Noyelle had 
wished to give me to Understand. He told me that he had rep- 
resented to the Hurons that in order to exonerate themselves 
in the eyes of the Outaouacs and Sauteux with respect to the 
treachery whereof they accused them, they had nothing else to do 
but make war on the Tetes-plates and bring back Slaves of that 
N^ation to deliver over to the Outaouacs ; that they would then 
be In Position to tell them that they had Had no share in what 
had occurred, since they Themselves had attacked their En- 
emies. The Matter wias Concluded and settled and 40 War- 
riors were ready to start when the plan Was frustrated by an 
imderground Collar. I beg you, Monseigneur, to excuse me 
from mentioning him who gave it. What is certain is that the 
Hurons told it to the Sieui- D»e Noyelle In the presence of the 
Sieur De Sabrevois. 

The Sieur De I^oyan wrote me on the 19th of July that he 
expected to succeed in reconciling those two l^ations and that 
he would Spare no effort to do so; that the Sieur De NoyeUe 

1 Either Clement Sabrevois de Bleury (1702-1781), or Christophe Sa- 
brevois de Sermonville (born 1701), both sons of Jacques Charles Sa- 
brevois de Bleury (see Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, p. 311). "Captain" Sabre- 
vois was commandant at He Perrot (1746), succeeded C§loron at Fort 
St. Frederic (1747), and took part in the siege of Fort William Henry 
(1757).— Ed. 


|i740] French Regime in Wisconsin 

had put tliis matter in a fair way to success as well as all things 
that Were in The order. 

In his letter of the 26th of the same month, he says that the 
Hurons and Outaouacs are continually on the qui-vive, and in 
another dated the Following day he writes, Mcnseigneur, all 
that we have Had The honor of Explaining to you in the 
memorial to the King. 

Father De la Richardie writes me on the 1st of August thait 
the hurons continue to live with the Outaouacs and Sauteux, 
in fear, not for Themselves, as their pride makes themJ say, but 
solely for their wives And Children whom, they do not consider 
In safety in a, neighborhood such as Detroit; that they are 
divided into three villages, And that their Roluctance to go 
down is due solely to the Savage formalities for erffeoting their 
Removal from that Spot not having been observed. 

In another Letter of the 4th of August, the Sieur Dfe N'oyan 
writes me that the hurons persist in their intention to Remove 
their fire elsewhere, that they solicit him' to follow them and to 
live mth Themi in the land I have promised them^ andi that the 
granting of that favor to them depends on me as well as on him. 
He expected the Chaouanons about the end of the month; they 
were to take the place of the hurons Having been asked to do 
so by the Outaouacs who would be delighted at the Change. 

The Sieur D'e la Perade^ Writes me from tliat Post on the 
6th of August that the Miamis asked him. to be allowed to go 
down next Spring, and that all the Outaouacs Had come back 
from the Tetes-plates where they had not done much, having 
found two Villages of that Nation abandoned, which, thev al- 
leged, had Been warned by the hurons ; that the majority of thr 
Outaouacs Being intoxicated, there were some hurons mingled 
amongst Thenu who were seen to issue fromi the Woods; 
one of the former ran up at full speed saying that a huron had 
killed his brother by firing a Bullet through his Body ; that at 
the instant the rallying cry was raised; that the Sieur De 
^N'oyan told the Outaouacs not to set themselves in motion on 

iSee ante, p. 223, note 1. — Ed. 

[ 333 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

the word of a dnuiken man, and when the French arrived thej 
would bind the hiirons who Were in their Village; that others 
amongst the latter said they were going to take up Arms; that 
the Sieur De ^Nojan appeased them all and it Was high time. 
The News was not true. 

You must think, Monseigneur, from the Eieports I have The 
honor of sending you, that it seems impossible to reconcile those 
people, and that sooner or later some unfortunate affair will 
take place that might give rise to trouble in the Colony. This 
decides me to Send next Spring my nephew (who Was adopted' 
as a Chief at Sault St. Louis and at the Lake of two Mount- 
ains) to place himself at the head of the chief men of those 
villages in order to go and remove the hurons with the savage 
Ceremonies they Insist upon. I will send with him the Sieur 
Duburon,^ whom they like very much, and if the Sieur De 
Noyan persists in asking to return with Tbem, I will grant 
him permission to do so. I will inform him of all this if i 
can find The opportunity. 

We Had The honor of notifying you in the memorial to the 
King of The arrival in Montreal of 45 Iroquois of the five 'Nar 
tions who seem- very well disposed. The Sieur De Joncaire re- 
ported to me what the N^^ontaeue [Onondaga] did with refer- 
ence to the 100 Tetesr-plates who were to go over to Them. He 
reported to me that they Did not reach the Village of the for- 
mer, who miet tbem on the Way, killed several of them and put 
the others to flight ; that many war parties have gone there ; that 
he will Urge them,, as far as he can to continue to strike at that 
Nation, and that whatever the English may do to get them to 
make Peace with Them, he does not think they can succeed. 

You will Find annexed, Monseigneur, the speeches of the 
Scioux, those of the Sakis, Ilenards, Puants, Outaouacs, and 
folles-avoines, with my answers; those of the Five Iroquois 

iJean Joseph Feray, Sieur Duburon, was born in Brittany in 1679» 
came to Canada as a sergeant in the troops, and was promoted to ofll- 
cial rank in 1727. He died at Quebec in 1752.— Ed. 


1740-41] French Regime in Wisconsin 

IsTations and my answers, with. The Extract from the Council 
held at Orange. 

I remiain with very profound Respect, !MJonseigneur, Your 

very humble and very obedient Servant. 

Quebec, October 1, 1740. 

[Denys de la Ronde, the elder, to the French Minister, dated Quebec, 
Oct. 12, 1740. Source, same as preceding document, but fol. 216.] 

[Summary: — He represents that he is the senior officer in 
the colony, after Monsieur de Beaumont. As a reward for 53 
years service, he asks to be panted the brevet rank of major of 
the troops, to which the senior captain of the companies is enti- 
tled, and which bis predecessors enjoyed. 

He likewise asks the minister's protection for his four sons 
who are also in the service, the eldest of whom, commanding 
at Chagouamigon in the petitioner's absence, is 30 years of age 
while the youngest is 18].^ 

[Memoir on the Indians and their relations, unsigned. 2 MS. in ar- 
chives of Minist^re des Colonies, Paris; press mark, "Canada, Corresp. 
g6n., vol. 76, c. 11, fol. 263."] 

Our Iroquois had entered into Tbe peace miade with the Ohi- 
cachas at fort assumption,''' by giving porcelain both in Shells 

iMemoranda on original document: "No — as regards the rank of 
major which the King does not wish re-established. A commission of 
Second Ensign to his eldest son." 

2 At the close of the document is the signature "Boubersheur," but 
this is probably Beaucourt, and relates only to the fortification of Mon- 
treal (part here omitted) of which he was commandant. — ^Ed. 

3 This was the treaty made with the Chickasaws in April, 1740. The 
Iroquois were those of the missions, frequently known as the "praying 
Iroquois." — Ed. 

[ 335 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

and Collars ; but on returning, tliey met some Cihicaoha Hunters 
of whom they killed more than twenty The Cliicachas did not 
fail to seize upon the first occasion that offered, which was a 
large Boat going up the river, which they destroyed, killing or 
capturing the whole party. There were some Negroes among 
them, of whom one escaped to the Ouiatanons, where he is stay- 
ing with a Frenchman. 

In the fall the Chicachas came to the Charakis Eiver^ in a 
great body. They saw six canoes coming up from the jlinois 
in order to return to the post of Vincennes. They killed 19 
men, one woman, her daughter and a. smiall Boy. Only four 
escaped unwounded, and four with dangerous wounds. 

Since that time parties of savages have been continually in 
the Field against the Chicachas ; but the war of the Scioux and 
Renards against the jlinois prevents themi fromi aooomplishing 

Monsieur de la Veramdiere [Verendrye] wrote me on Au- 
gust 7, 1741, that his children had written him that all was 
quiet in the posts. 

Monsieur Marin wrote me August 6, that all was quiet at 
la Baye when he left for Michilimakina, whither he went at 
the request of the Sakis and Eeiiards to ask Monsieur de Blain- 
ville to get a promise from; the Outaovas and the Sauteurs not 
to pass by way of La Baye, if they wish to go against the Scioux, 
as they fear there may occur some mischief on one side or the 

On April 26, eight Cabins of Mascoutins arrived among the 
Ouiaitanons to settle down with a Chief who was' already there. 
They are in fear of tlie Elenards who are with the Scioux on 
the Ouisconsin. 

A party of 100 Scioux and Renards went to pimiteoui to 
surprise the people of the place ; but they had been warned by 
the Sakis to be on their guard. The Sakis did this out of grati- 
tude, bcause tliese people of pimiteoui had restored to Them 

1 Cherokee River was the early name of the Tennessee, from the large 
villages of that tribe settled upon it. — Ed. 

[ 336 ] 

1740-41] French Regime in Wisconsin 


ithree of Their people, whom the Kaokias had captured.^ A 
tllalf -breed son of a Frenchman and a Savage was killed, appar- 
Ifently by some one of this panty of 100 men, for The body was 
'found hacked to pieces near a Sciau Canoe. This happened on 
May 26, about half a League from pimiteoui. 

A party of 100 pouteouatamis and Outaouas, with whom 
other nations had joined returned from the Chicachas, but 
nothing was accomplished after 80 days of marching. The 
Peanguichas, on their passage through their country, gave them 
three prisoners and four Scalps. If they had been willing to 
believe one of their slaves, they might easily have killed oo 
their route a party of ten of their enemies. 

The Outaouas brought two slaves that had been given them 
by the poux of St. Joseph River, a post under the command of 
the Sieur Coulon De\'illiers, who AVTites me these last three 
items of news. 

Three bands of Sonountouans came back from the Ohicacha 
country, bringing twelve prisoners and ten scalps; they had 
lost but. one man themselves. They were expecting two other 
bands July 24, 1741. They are dying of hunger in the Sonoun- 
touan territory. The famine, in faet, is general among all 
the savages of the upper country. Indian corn was worth at 
Detroit from 40 to 60 iivres peir Minot. 

All The Hurons at Detroit were ill disposed toward the Chica- 
chas, when the Chevalier de Beauhamais arrived there, who 
was sent by Monsieur the General to induce them to come 
nearer to Him. He brought three of them with him to select 
land, and they are to come in great niumbers next spring. 

There came to Montreal this summer a large deputation 
from the four jroquois Villages, which (in the Council held 
with Monsieur the General) begged Him not to listen to evil 
speeches that might be miade, because their father could count 
on their fidelity in preserving peace. They begged him to 

iPimithouy was a town of the Peoria tribe of the Illinois, located near 
the present city of Peoria. The Kaokias were an Illinois tribe, situated 
about the village of that name (Cahokia) on the Mississippi. — Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [vol. 


work with them to consolidate and strengthen The tree of peace, 
whicli had been planted in the presence of all the nations as- 
aembled at Montreal, about forty years ago (in 1702), before 
the tlien General, Monsieur de Caliere. Tbey begged hiui 
alsoj in case of a war between France and England, not to make 
war in the country of their brothers the Dutch, but to leave 
them in peace. They said various other words accompanied by 
l")ollars, and all in favor of peace. 

Four Cbaouanons came in the name of their nation to bring 
messages to their father, proclaiming themselves very rfeady to 
execute his wishes. I do not speak in detail of those things, 
which are reserved for Monsieur The General, but mention 
only a portion which was made public like this whole Memoir, 



[Extract from abstract of Beauharnois's reports for 1741. Source: 
N. Y. Colon. Docs., ix, p. 1086.] 

The news received from, the Upper countries to the effect 
that some underground Belts were sent by the English to divers 
Indian Nations, inviting them to rid themselves of the French 
scattered throughout that region ; and that the Foxes had sent 
out some war parties against the Illinois, whereby several 
Frenchmen have been killed, led the Marquis de Beauhamois 
to think that some brilliant action would be necessary in order 
to kee]> the ^N'ations in check, and that the French and domi- 
ciliated Indians who had been called out for the expedition 
against Choueguen might be sent, next year, against the Foxes. 
Eut as it was of the greatest importance to keep this project se- 
cret, he contented himself with giving the Indians and the 
Militia who had been warned, to understand that he calcu- 
lated on them' for next year, the season being too far advanced 
for the execution of the design against Choiieguen. 

The Marquis de Beauhamois' opinion respecting the war 

[ 338 ] 

1741] French Regime in Wisconsin 

against the Foxes has been the more readily approved by the 
Baron de Longneuil, Messrs De la Chassaigne, Lacome, de 
Ligneiy, La !N^oue and Duplessis-f abert, whom/ he had assembled 
at his house, as it appears fromi all the letters that the Court has 
written since several years, that it has nothing so much at heart 
as the destruction of that Indian l^ation, which cannot be pre- 
vailed on by the presents and good treatment of the rrench, to 
live in peace, notwithstanding all its promises. Besides it is 
notorious that the Foxes have a secret understanding with the 
Iroquois to secure a retreat among the latter, in case they be 
obliged to abandon their villages. 

They have one already secured among the Sioux of the 
Prairies, with whom they are allied ; so that should they be pre- 
advised of the design of the French to wage war against them, 
it would be easy for them to retire to the one or the otlier, be- 
fore their passage could be intercepted, or themselves attacked 
in their villages. 


[EJxtract from a letter of Father de la Richarie to Father St. P§, 
dated Detroit, June 10, 1741. MS. in archives of Miniature des Colonies, 
Paris; press mark, "Canada, Corresp. g6n., vol. 75, c. 11, fol. 90."] 

Revekewd Father — Here is now an incident that will pre- 
vent reconciliation between the old and the young men: A 
party of the latter want to break the peace made with the T^etes 
plates by the elders fifteen years ago- The young men say 
that it is the alliance with the Tetes plates that has caused 
the neighboring Nations to hate the hurons; the elders allege 
that this is only a pretext, and, m,oreover, that the Tetes plates, 
far fromi doing them any injury, have sent their people back 
to them whenever they captured any who went without cause 
to kill them in their Villages. The young mien rely on what 
the French have told them, viz: that Monsieur the General 
would be pleased if they attacked the Tetes plates. If I 
thought that Monsieur the General, with the counsel of his 
22 [ 339 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

eonscience, consider such a war Lawful, I would at once 
side witli the young men, but as I have nothing decisive on 
that point, and as My conscience, which is of the slightest, tells 
me that such a war would be murder, I cannot, pending the 
receipt of your orders, Avoid giving my support to the elders. 


[Source, same as preceding document, but fol. 149.] 

Secret Council. Message of Monsieur the Marquis de Beau- 
harnois, Gorenwr general of New France, to the hurons of 
Detroit, June 12, IIJ^I. 

Sastabetsy^ Listen attentively to the message of thy Father 
Onontio, which will be brought thee by him who is Dearest 
to me, who is of my blood, that thou may est know how much 
I think of thee and of all thy Nation. Monsieur Duburon 
whom' you greatly love, will accompany him. 

Remiember well. My son Sastaretsy, that three years ago 
thou didst Send a message to thy brothers of Lorette, of the 
Sault, and of the Lake of two Mountains, by which thou didst 
inform them that thou wouldst be compelled to go to Ithein 
in their Village in the autumn, as soon as thou shouldst have 
heard of the min of thy l^ephews. Thou didst ask them to 
inform Me of the situation ini which thou wert placed by the 
Multitud of thy Elneniies. They brought me thy message 
and I Felt thy trouble to such an extent that I at once replied^ 
— thou mu-st remember it. I Sent presents to thy Fathei 
Monsieur De Noyelle, to cover the dead, to console th^ 
afflicted and to stay the Tomahawk of the young men wh( 
Hearts might be turned to evil. Judge by this of my aff( 
tion for thee. 

Thy Father, Ondechaouasty, ^ Wrote me the Following yeal 
that thou hadst seemfed to acquesce in the Orders I had given 

iNote on original MS.: "Father de la Richardie.' 

[ 340 ] 



HI] French Regime in Wisconsin 

o oblige thee tO' remain at Detroit after the affair imfputed 
to thy nephews was Completely settled, But that thou might- 
€st leave thy land at the first alarm. 

Thy Father, Monsieur De iNoyelle, Wrote me at the same 
time that you had all gone inlx) winter quarters and had aban- 
doned your clearings; you had told him that you could not 
calm the Minds of your wives and Children, and that you 
would always live in Fear at the Post of Detroit. 

Orontony^ Sent me Branches of Porcelain on behalf of the 
whole Village, by which he asked my permission to come and 
settle near me, as they could no longer live in peace at that 
Place, because, he said, whenever the Tetes plates, might 
make an Attack on the Kations of the Post, you would always 
be accused of having a share in it, and, in order to Avoid be- 
ing reduced some day to cruel extremities, he re-iterated the 
request you had made to me. 

Monsieur De I^oyelle Sent me two Collars on your behalf. 
By the first you asked me to grant you a piece of land near 
me, so that your wives and Children might be in safety, 
which they were not at Detroit. You said to me by that mes- 
sage that if I did not show that kindness to you, you would 
go and die in some Distant Spot. 

By the Second, you also asked me to give you an oflBioer 
to come down with you to protect you from injury- 

Your Father, Ondechaouasty, Wrote me at the time that 
you begged me to Excuse you for not coming down to Mont- 
realj as I had ordered the elders to do, because it was the 
people of the Sault who had asked you to do so; that it is 
not the Custom amongst you Savages tO' go and ask for Pro- 
tection and for an asylum, and that if Compassion was, felt 
for your wives and Children, it was the duty of those who 
had pity on Them to come and console them on their Mat, or 
even to light a fresh fire for them in some spot where they 
might be considered in safety. 

At the Beginning of the affair thou didst communicate the 

iNote on original MS.: "Nicolas." 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. 


thought that was in thy heart to thy Father, the Comimiand- 
ant, and to your two Fathers, the black Gowns, and you would 
have no witness but Them so as to Eixpress it more freely. 
That message was Sent me the following year. 

You said that while you Were at Missilimakinac you received 
an embassy from your brothers of the Sault and of the Lake 
of two Mountains by which they asked you to go to Them, 
and, as a pretext, they said to you: Come, my brothers, you 
Are in this Place in the midst of a Multitude of Nations that 
do not like you and of whose cxistoms you are ignoranit.. 

That the late Monsieur de Vaudreuil Urged you to leave as 
soon as possible N"ations that hated you and that lie said to 
you: settle near me; you will find a safe asylum, a Father 
and a Protector. 

You replied to him that you would some day follow the 
advice he had just given you, that you would poize the first | 
pretext that presented itself to come to him, and that you 
had long thought seriously of fulfilling the promise you had 
made, which Was to come here. 

By another message you said that the reason that led you 
to take that step' Was that you wished to calmi the Minds of 
your wives and Children which Were so affected that they 
could live in safety nowhere but near me; that the K\^hol8 
village Were of that opinion and that you spoke on their behalf. 
By another message you also said that if I did not grant 
your request, the sorrow you would feel would lead you to 
take another step; that your resolution was taken, and that 
you were prepared to die near the first spot you came to rather 
than live in a land where your wives and Children could not 
venture to go to their Work without fearing that they might 
not return at night to sleep in their Cabins; that as you had 
always Been obedient to my orders, you would be in a better 
position to Carry them' out if you Were near me. 

By a iN'a.rtrow Collar, you begged me not to refuse your re- 
•quest to bring you near mje, holding it by one end and ask- 
ing me to hold the other so as to calm the Minds of your wives 
land Children. 


1741] French Regime in Wisconsin 

By a Wide Collar you asked me for some one to take yon 
to the land where I dwell so that you might travel in safety 
through the ^N'ations. 

Thou Sastareitsy^ with Tayetchatin ^ and Ol^ontony, didst 
Send me a message to Inform me of your design, in the Hope 
that I would have compassion on your conditon; and you 
told me that if I had pity on the huron I would bring him 
near me ; that your thought Was supported by two Collars. 

By another message you spoke to me in these terms: My 
Father, our intention to draw near you is a lasting one and 
nothing can change it. 

By another you also said to me that the huron knows not 
what it is to break his word, nor to have a second thought 
succeed a first one he has considered reasonable. You did 
not conceal from me that you might take a istep I would not 
approve if I rejected your word, and said that you would 
never be very firmi in your Religion unless you were separated 
from JSTations that are not Christian. 

By another message you asked to he put alone in the Place 
T might deem suitable and that the Black Gowns might live 
with you to soothe your Minds. You added that what you 
said Was said in the name of the whole of your IsTation, and 
that if any evil blow were struck all the others would cer- 
tainly impute it to the hurons. This led you to believe with- 
out any doubt that if I deferred bringing you near me, you 
would despair of your lives as you Were threatened on all 

Then you begged your Father the Commandant and (the 
three Black Gowns to support your word with me with such 
strength that your request could not be refused; that your 
words be taken down in Writing and that ISTicolas alone be 
admitted to my private Room. I did this as you know. 

iSastaretsy and Tayetchatin (Taychatin) took no part in the attack 
on Detroit by Orontony's Sandusky band (1747; see ante, p. 280). 
They visited Montreal in July of that year, where Sastaretsy died; 
Tayetchatin was also seized with illness, but recovered sufficiently to 
return home, where he died in September. — Ed. 

[ 343 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvh 

You requested Monsieur de Noyelle to Write me on your 
behalf to thank mie for my kindness in granting your request, 
and you asked him to assure me that your N"ation would never 
forget the proof of the Protection I gave your wives and 
Children. You sent me word that in the Event of any one 
of you having allowed himself to be won over to Prevent your 
coming down, I was not to alter anything of what I had granted 
you to have you dwell near me; that you had fully reflected 
on the step before taking it 

Your Father, the Black Gown "Wrote me tliat my words 
had been received by your village, with great acclamations 
of gratitude. Monsieur De ^oyelle wrote me that he had 
delivered them to you and that you were greatly flattered by 
them, saying that I continued to be always kind to you. He 
added that you had not altered your design in any way. 

Last year. Monsieur De IsToyan and Father de la Richardie 
Wrote me that your wives and Children Were in a continual 
state of alann^ that you yourselves did not consider them safe 
in such a neighborhood as that of Detroit, and that Orontony, 
wishing to excite my compassion, had said he Hoped I would 
put himi under my wings. 

Monsieur De I^oyan wrote me that you still intended to 
remove your fire elsewhere, and that you begged him to fol- 
low you and to go and live with you on the piece of land I 
granted you, and that you would be flattered if I Sent you a 
message to Remove you from your fire and light another for 

I have carefully considered all your words; I have granted 
with pleasure the requests you have mjade to me ; H wilj always 
seek rnoans to calm the Minds of your wives and Children. 
Come, I hold out my arms to you to take you under my wing, 
and by this Collar I bind you Tightly to my ISTephew to bring 
you near me. Hold it by one end and he will hold it by the 
other so thac you cannot separate. You will see that you 
will find ini me^ as in Monsieur De Vaudreuil, a sure Asylum, 
a Father and a Protector. I will take as much care of you 
as of my Praying Children who are near me. I will love 

[ 344 ] 

1741] French Regime in Wisconsin 

jou all Evqually without distinction. If Monsieur de !N"oyaii 
continues to feel the Desire he now has to conie and live with, 
vou, I will Send another to relieve him in his place. Your 
Fathers, the Black Gowns, will follow you to the land I have 
destined for you and which you will be at liberty to oh.oose 
for jourseJves. You see that I grant your requests like a 
good Father and that I seek every means to secm^e you re-st 
and peace. 

By this present, I clear your Road, I scatter right and left 
the obstacles tliat might arise; I Dissipate the Clouds and 
put the Sun at its zenith so that you may see wbere to place 
your steps and that the land may henceforth, be at peace. 


[Source, same as preceding document, but fol. 91.] 

Council to Be held after that of the hurons. 

Message of Monsieur the Marquis ds BeoMhamcis, Governor 
general of Nero france, to his Children, the Outaouacs, Pout- 
ouatomis, Sauteux, arid Mississagues of Detroit, June 12, 17J/-1, 

My Children, I Sent My Nenhew to your Villages to an- 
nounce my word to you and to put at end all the Disturb- 
ances, Uneasiness, and alarms that have prevailed there for 
three years. 

You are not unaware of all that I have done to have peace 
reign in your land and to Prevent its being Reddened with 
the Blood of my Children. You have all Seconded me in tbe 
ifitention I Had and still have that your wives and Children 
shall live in peace. 

In spite of all my precautions and yours I am informed 
that in the Hearts of the young men still lurk feelings of re- 
sentment that might lead to revenge and disturb the land nM>re 
than ever. 

To prevent any accident to which such Resentment might 
[ 345 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

give rise and to prove to all the !N"ations the interest I take in 
everything that concerns my Children and How pleased I am 
to have them; live in Peace and harmony like true brothers. 
I have taken the decision and have determined to light a 
new fire and to place the huron near me. I think this pre- 
caution should put an end to all alarms and resentment, and 
that^ Considering the Spirit by which I am guided, you will 
act in accordance with my Intentions and will part good 
brothecrs, giving one another mutual proofs of a thorough 

By this present I establish my word, I make the sky serene 
over your villages, I cleanse your Hearts; I make the Roads 
smooth and practicable By this Collar, so that you may 
always come and see me in, all security, for, although you are 
far away, I hold you in my heart, like those who are near me. 

As to Thee, mekinac, to prove to thee that I have paid 
heed to thy request and to make known to thee my satisfac- 
tion with thee and with those whom thou hast mentioned to 
me, I send to Monsieur De iS'oyan the Marks of distinction 
thou hast asked of me for Them. I flatter myself that these 
Fresh favors from; me will Induce you to strive more and 
more for Good and to have no other heart than mine. 

[Source, same as preceding document, but fol. 147.] 

Memorandum to serve as Instructions to the 8ieur Chevalier 
de Beauharnois, Captain of a Company of the Troops of this 
Country, ivhom we have detached to remove the hurons 0/ 
Detroit^ according to the requests they have made to us, and 
to take the savages of Sault St. Louis and of the Lake of Two 
Mountains, who are to go with him to invite them to come 
down here. 

The chief cai'e of the Sieur Chevalier de Beauhamois shall 
be to exercise great Circnmspection during the journey with 
regard to the savages imder his Guidance. 

[ 346 ] 

.741] Fl-ench Regime in Wisconsin 

He shall take no other Eoute than that to the ^orth of Lake 
Ontario, to Avoid passing by Choueghen [Oswego], where 
the said savages might amuse themselves or receive bad imr 
pressions at that Place. 

While on the Way he shall hold such Councils with Them 
as they may ask for, and always speak very gently to them. 

While crossing the Niagara portage, where he will find 
Iroquois of the five Nations, he shall tell them with his sav- 
ages, by means of branches of Porcelain, that they are pro^ 
ceeding to Deti'oit solely in connection with peaceful Matters, 
and he shall not inform them of the object of his journey. 

On his arrival at the Post of Detroit, he shall communicate 
to the Sieur De Noyaji, the comnnandant there, all the Orders 
and instructions with which he is charged. 

He shall deliver to Jiini the messages of the hurous and those 
of the Oiitaouacs, I'outoiiataniis, Saiiteux, and Mississagues of 
the said Post, that two secret Councils miay Be held separately 
in the house of the said Sieur de Noyan. 

To the first Council the hurons alone shall be summoned, 
with the Iroquois, to Hear our message; and if they decide to 
come down to light their fire on the land I have set apart for 
them near me, then the Outaouacs and other Nations of the said 
Post shall also be gathered together, with the Iroquois, at the 
house of the said Sieur de Noyan, that my message may be 
repeated to them, and the hurons shall not be there. 

After the Sieurs De Noyan and Chevalier de Beauhamois 
shall have spoken to the hurons and other Nations of the Post, 
if the hurons come down here, as there is every likelihood of 
their doing, and the other savages seem pleased at it^ thev' 
shall do their best to reconcile them. Together; they shall give 
them a feast so that they may part good' brothers. 

In the event of the hurons deciding not to come down until 
next spring, as might well happen under the pretext of getting 
their crops, of their young men not Yet having returned from 
tiie war-patli, or of other reasons they may allege, the Sieur 
Chevalier de Beauharnois shall pass the winter with Themy 
as well as the Sieur Duburon whom we have chosen to accom- 

[ 347 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvu 

pany him, and he shall do his best to Induce the Iroquois not 

to leave them. 

We rely, moreover, on the prudence and wise conduct of 

the Sieurs De Noyan and Chevalier de Beauhamois with 

regard to any Events we cannot foresee, and even empower 

them to act according to Circumstances and to do everything 

that may be advisable and that they miay deem necessary for 

the welfare of the service. 

MoNTBEAL, June 14, 1741. 

[Source, same as preceding document, but fol. 154.] 

Copy of the Letter Written hy Monsieur the marquis de 
Beauhariiois, Governor general of New France, to Father de la 
Richardie, Missionary at Detroit, on June IJf, 17Jf-l, 

EiEVEKEND Father — I received the three Letters yo^i did me 
the honor of Writing to me on the 1st of August and lYth of 
September last, and on the 22nd of April of this year. I Wrote 
to Monsieur De I^oyan on the 14th of October last with refer- 
ence to my project of removing the hurons with the savage 
Ceremonies they asked. I directed him to beg you to excuse 
my not answering you or himself with reference to all that you 
had Written to me, owing to my many occupations in the au- 
tumn. I have no doubt that he has performed that commis- 
sion, so you must think no ill of my silence. 

I am Sending my Nephew with the Sieur Duburon to carry 
my message to the hurons, Outaouacs, Poutouatamis, Sauteux, 
and Mississagues. You will see what it says, and I have rea- 
son to think that, knowing the importance of the miatter, you 
will second me to the best of your ability ; and I will tell you on 
this occasion, as I have told the savages, that I have full con- 
fidence in you. 

You wrote me that there was nothing to fear with regard to 
the report that they might go to the Sonontouans. I have 


HI] French Regime in Wisconsin 

levertheless been credibly informed that they bad given tbem 
OoUars to that End, and that, before they can remove from 
Detroit, they cannot dispense with withdrawing them. 

You write me that somebody who was to come down here 
5eemed greatly prejudiced against the hurons, and had flattered 
aimself that he could influence my Mind against them, and in 
favor of Angouirot. I guessed to whom you referred, but^ Eev- 
erend Father, I cannot help telling you that I am perfectly 
aware that Chief [Anguirot] is held in high esteem, by his l^ar 
tion and controls one half the village ; consequently he is a man 
to be treated with circumspection. Several persons have told 
me that you did not like him,; that you would not admit him 
to any Council ; that his people had spoken and ho had said 
nothing; and that when he saw me he would show me that he 
has reason to complain because you represent him to me as a 
dangerous and pernicicu? individual. On the present occasion 
it is better to appear to have confidence In him, so as not to re- 
buff him, and thereby Induce him not to thwart my intentions. 
I give Orders Accordingly to my Nephew. 

I have Written to Monsieur De Noyau that I would decor- 
ate the Chief you speak of with the Medal you ask of me for 
him^ when he comes' down here. 

In your Letter of the iTth of September you tell me that you 
have often Written tO' Your Father Superior that if I deemed 
it advisable to grant the hurons tlie refuge they ask near me, 
they would like that their brothers of the Sault should go and 
remove them and light a fresh fire for them. You do not men- 
tion the people of the Lake, who are their brothers as well as 
the Others, and even their Close friends. And Yet in the mes- 
sage you sent to Father Dfe lauzon^ on the 12th of August, 1738, 
Sastaretsy asks that I, as well as his brothers of the Sault, of 
the Lake, and of Lorette, be informed of the situation in which 
he is placed by the Multitude of his Enemies. For this rea- 

1 Pierre de Lauzon, superior of Canadian missions from 1732 to 
1739.— Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

son I have determined to send with the people of the Sault those 
of the Lake and twoi hurons. 

I have reason to think, Keverend Father, that it would bo 
necessary to attract the hurons who have gone over to the Side 
of the English toward belle Riviere; although bandits, accord- 
ing to the description you give me of them. 

By your last Letter you tell me that there is no change as 
Regards the hurons, except that their Desire to Settle at Mon- 
treal has diminished without passing away, because they are con- 
vinced they are not wanted ; that only a strong message from me 
with a similar one from their brothers of the Sault can attract 
them (you are again silent with respect to those of the Lake.) 
You add that you would not like to guarantee that all would go, 
although you think that those who would remain would grad^ 
ually join the others. 

The settlement upon the island^ of which you speak, where 
all would gather, is not suitable in any way, because I should 
consider them much less in safety at that Place than at the 
Post of Detroit. Therefore, Reverend Father, they must de- 
cide to come here, because I think they cannot remain at that 
place ; they must also be Removed f romi that spot to put an end 
to all uneasiness and to quiet, the land. It is publicly stated 
here that they have planned to go and Live with the Tetes- 
plates, at the first movement against them. 

I ami delighted. Reverend Father, that Monsieur and Mar 
dame de ]N'oyan should be to your liking; they are greatly to 

I remain etc., 

iNote on original MS.: "Grosse isle 3 or 4 Leagues from Detroit.' 


mi] French Regime in Wisconsin 


[Source, same as preceding document, but fol. 95; of. transcript in 
N. Y. Colon. Docs., ix, pp. 1072-1073.] 

Speech of Monsieur the Marquis de Beauharnois, Governor 
general of New france, to the Outaouacs of Missilimahinac, on 
July 8,17 Jfl. 

My Childrem, I Wrote last year to the Commandant of Mis- 
silimakinac and gave him orders to Induce Mincheokima, 
Akikanijingue, Clielaoiliskaouois, Otolinois/ Oliiskaouois^ and 
other Chiefs of Xote, both Kiskakous"^ and Sinagos,^ to come 
here and Listen to my message. 

He wrote me that the reason that Prevented the majority of 
those Chiefs from coming down was their remaining at the 
grande Traverse^ to look for Lands suitable (for the Establish- 
mient of their Villages, owing to the dearth of food that had 
prevailed the previous winter, iu\d that, your Lands Being ex- 
hausted, they feared the same might happen Again. I 

Several years ago. My Children, Monsieur de Celoron, who \ / 
is here present, wrote me that yon Intended to Remove your Yil- j 
lages elsewhere for the same reason. 

In obedience to the orders I gave him he Sought you at 
Maskigon,^ where you Wished to Establish yourselves, and 
brought you back to your Villages, as that land was in nowise 
suited to you, because the frequent maladies that prevail at that 
Place might have destroyed you. Moreover, it ruins your Hunt- 
ing, and you must have observed that whenever any of your* !N"a- 
tion have spent the Summer at that Place, they have found the 
Animals Scattered and your hunting less productive. 

The point in question at present. My Children, is to settle 
you in a place where you may find good land capable of yield- 
ing profitable crops, in order to enable you to procure subsist- 

iNote on original document: "Chiefs of the Sauteux." 
a Note on original document: "two branches composing the outa- 
vacs nation." 

3 Grand Traverse Bay, Mich. — Ed. 

4 Muskegon River, Mich. — Eto. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. 


ence for your families and retain your hunting Grounds, 
Through the interest I take in all that concerns you, and the 
great affection I have for My Children, the Outaouacs, I se© 
none more suitable for you than Poutchitaouy, ^ the point of 
Pamitobe, or L'arbre C'roche [the Crooked tree],^ which how- 
e\'er I find rather Far. Choose, My Children, that one of all 
those Places that Suits you, and reflect well upon the matter. 
Remember the advantages you have enjoyed in Being near the 
French, who buy your Canoes, your gum^ your Indian com^ 
your fats, and all that your industiy produces; this enables you 
to live more Comfortably with your families, and you would 
not enjoy those advantages if you Were far Away from theim. 

By a great Collar that you will Undertake to deliver to 
Monsieur de Celoron, I light your fire at the Spot you will se- i 
lect from amongst those I have indicated to you. m 

I will also charge you to deliver to him a large Flag that he ' 
himself may set it over your villages, and he will raise it so 
high that I shall be able to see it and have the satisfaction of 
saying: I have Settled My Children in a Place where they 
can live in peace and comfort. I shall learn the 'News of thia 
with pleasure next spring. 

As your Elders appeared to me to have great confidence In 
Monsieur de Celoron, I S^nd himi to found that Establishment* 
Listen well to his words which are Mine. 

I have learned. My Children, that you went to Choueghen 
[Oswego] to get Bad milk ; there is good milk here. Why do 
you not come and get it since you like it so much ? You have 
never been refused any and my Breasts are full. I will make 
them flow with pleasure when their milk does not spoil the 

i"The locality between Carp and Pine rivers at the extremity of 
Bay St. Ignace [St. Martin's Bay], at the head of Lake Huron. See 
Belin's Carte du Detroit du Lac Superieur.'' — Note of O'Callaghan to 
transcript in N. T. Colon. Docs. PamitabS is apparently another name 
for the same spot. — Ed. 

2 Immediately north of Little Traverse Bay, at the northwest corner 
of the peninsula of Michigan. — O'Callaghan. 

[ 352 ] 

French Regime in Wisconsin 

jnds of mj Children/ and I Vvill give you Tokens of My 
friendship for you and your villages. I have not Yet had time 
-to have anything prepared. It has afforded me much pleasure 
to speak to you in the presence of Monsieur de Celoron, who 
starts tomorrow, and who will repeat my speech in your vil- 




[Letter of Chevalier de Beauharnois to his uncle, the Marquis de 
Beauharnois, dated Aug. 2, 1741. MS. in archives of Ministere des 
Colonies, Paris; pressmark, "Canada, Corresp. g6n., vol. 75, c. 11, fol. 

My Dear Uncle — I found, on my arrival, only seven op 
eight decrepit old Men, and a village deserted and without war- 
riors, as The chicachas have something over 160 at their heels. 
I. have not yet entered deeply into matters; but judging by 
what I have been able to learn, all appear to be quite disposed 
to listen to everything, without being in a humor to make any 
positive answer before the return of this band. I Hear only 
things that are unpromising for the success of my enterprise; 
and if I can rely on what is said and thought by those who can 
and ought to know something about the matter, the huroiis 
are now as indifferent and averse to coming down as they were 
formerly desirous and ready to do so. This contributes not 
a Little to making my position a most uncomfortable one. In- 
cessantly occupied with the wheels that I try to set in motion in 
order to operate so crazy and anomalous a machine, I ami ex- 
pending all my rhetoric to win and to confirm minds, which 
the merest Bagatelle may disturb and divert. Finally, my dear 
uncle, whether it be ill-will on the part of the hurons, or frivol- 
ity and inconstancy, I discover, or to speak more to the point, 
I see through the fact, thai an arm more powerful than my own 

iNote on original document: "Before leaving you will come and 
see me." 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

binds and holds them. Angoiiirot, a famous chief of the oppo- 
site party, that is, of those who do not wish to go down, 
Angouirot, I say, more obstinate than ever, persists still in the 
same feelings. I have every reason to Fear that this man miay 
spoil my success, as he joinsi to a cunning and subtle mind, the 
ability of an accomplished politician. He listens to every- 
thing and never makes answer. Presents and lother induce- 
ments — ^nothing is spared; and in order to prove to you, My 
dear Uncle, how far I have to carry my Flattery in order to get 
a hold on The stubborn Spirit of this firm antagonist, I invited 
him yesterday evening to take supper with me. Invoked to 
speak frankly This sly rogue, fearing the wine might betray 
him, and lead him to disclose what was in his mind, took the 
precaution of eating and Drinking only with the very greatest 

The Fair sex, Among the hurons as with us, has absolute 
power over the Minds of the men. I brought nothing from 
Montreal for them,, but I have remedied this deficiency by hav- 
mg made a Fine Collar of 1500 beads of porcelain, which I 
Intend to give to them with some bags of flour, in order to gain 
themi over to my side. I have proposed this schemie to 
Monsieur de IsToyan, and he seemed to approve of it. I have 
the honor of reporting to you the speeches to be made on that 

The large Collar which you did me the honor of sending me 
was found too White; I have had 1400 beads of black porce- 
lain added to it. The Convoy Has not yet arrived, and I do 
not know what orders you send me by it. Here everybody is 
:fasting and lamenting. You could not get a livre of flour 
in the whole fort for Gold or silver. 

As the provisions I brought are not- very abundant and will 
not last long, if I am obliged to spend the winter here, as ap- 
pears extremely probable, I ami taking advantage of the gra- 
cious offers made me by Monsieur de Laperade. I will bring 
what I ISTeed in the Canoes of his brother, while waiting for 
supplies to arrive from Montreal. 



fii] French Regime in Wisconsin 

If mj letter should ari'ive soon enough, my dear uncle, to 
riake it possible to send me a Canoe this fall, I should be 
greatly obliged if you would give orders for sending one. The 
]:iesents you have given me for The savages are scant. I have 
T more porcelain though 1 need it every day. Messieurs 
The hurons do not care at all for the White kind. I decided 
to write to the keeper of the stores at niagara to send me by 
the first Canoes that come up three or four thousand beads. 

I have set up house-keeping in a house which I found in 
readiness on ray arrival, thanks to the attentions of Monsieur 
de N^oyan. He urged me not to keep my own table but to live 
with him; but I did not consider that advisable, so I decided 
to set up a private establishment with Messieurs dubaron 
[Duburon] and la Chavinguerie.^ 

I he Reverend Father de larichardie, with The principal 
chiefs of his village, came out to meet me four leagues from de- 
troit. This Jesuit, as shrewd and Intelligent as his profession re- 
quires, has seemed to me thus far to be greatly interested ini The 
success of my enterprise ; but As I know that the most cunning 
policy is that which seems The most natural, sic et sic illi fido. 

1 am with very great Respect Monsieur, my dear Uncle, 
Youi* very humble and very obedient Servant 

Detroit, August 2, 1741. The Chevalieb DE Beauhaenois. 

The convoy has just arrived, Aug. 5, 1741. The black- 
robe [Jesuit priest] from whom I come has just received let- 
ters fromj the Company, I mean from his superiors, who write 
him that your interest in the pursuit and success of my enter- 
prise has slackened. If you have not the goodness, my dear un- 
cle, to write here in a firm tone and to declare yourself against 
the migration from detroit to Grosse Isle pro rex et membrum 
societatis, do not appear to me to be disposed to second me — far 
from it. Monsieur Duburon Has not yet arrived ; I expect him 
to-dav or to-morrow at the latest. 

iProbab'ly Michel Maray, sieur de la Chauvignerie, son of LotJis 
Maray, an officer in the marine. Michel, an Iroquois interpreter, was 
born in 1704, and married Marie Joseph Raimbaut (1740). — Ed. 
23 [ 355 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xv 


[Letter of De Noyan to the French Minister. Source same as prece^ 
ing document, but fol. 279.] 

Detroit, August 24, 1741. 

MoNSEiGNEUR — I have not received your grace's orders fc 
two years. Monsieur Tiie Marquis De Beauhamois wrote m 
last autunan that he would Send Them to me by The fir^ 
opportunity. Nevertheless, Monseig-neur, I have not Had Tli 
Happiness of their Having Keached me. 

Your Grace has not honored me with a sufficiently ampl 
Commission to allow of my acting On my own Initiative [and! 
succeeding in The Settlement Of Detroit. Monsieur The Gei 
eral — who In nowise Divests himself of his rights in ray favc 
and who, on the contrary, governs T'his Post altliougli he is ver 
Distant — sometimes Blames me owing To net having see 
Things and to not Knowing my reasons And The Principle 
On Which I act. And he Prequently deprives me of The mear 
of succeeding Without Wishing It And Without Thinking la 
is doing So. 

He has not so fully yielded to me The advantages Of thi 
Post as not frequently to diminish Them' by granting Fre'e c 
charge demi-Licenses that I would have been Pleased to grai 
myself. It also often happens, Monsiegneur, that he favoi 
Persons who I^eed least. 

It would, therefore, be desirable, Mon seigneur (I venture t 
say For The advantage of this Country), that Your Grac 
should Leave The disposal of the Licenses Entirely to me. An 
that in ail matters Not of Exceeding Importance, I be 
mitted to act Without Eear of Being Exposed To the annoy; 
that may be Caused me by The Jealous Envy of my Enem: 
near Monsieur The General. I am attacked all the Moi 
boldly, Monseigneur, because it is Seen that I am Not decoratei 
with The Mark of honor that distinguishes An Officer. 

It Will be Necessary if I am To Impress with respect 

[ 356 ] 





n] French Regime in Wisconsin 

'he l^ations within the jurisdiction Of This Post. The num- 
ber of Savages who Flock to it from all Sides; The Wealth Of 
its Trade, which Amounts to from 150 thousand to 200 
thousand Livres of Furs per annumi; And, Finally, Monseig- 
neur, The Beauty of the Country, And the number of French 
Settlements, which I have Greatly increased within a year, all 
These Things deserve either that Your Grace Procure me from 
His Majesty a Commission of King's Lieutenant with, a Cross 
of St Louis, or that You should honor with it him whom you 
may Deem more Capable than I of pushing The Settlement of 
this Post, for which i^evertheless I have neglected nothing the 
past year. 

The state of abandonment into Which it had been Allowed 
to fall for seven or eight years by my predecessors called fof a 
Remedy as prompt as that which I applied ; And Monsiegneur 
will be informed that ihe fort, which is 600 paces in Length 
by 30 in Width, was oj-en on ail Sides, Without Bastions, watch- 
towers, or Platforms, and a Prey to Licentiousness And Bri- 

I have had it Completely restored with Suitable fortifioar 
tions, so that, Monseigneur, one is safe not Only from attack 
but also From License. 

The People, although easy lo restrain, Had, through lack of 
Correction, Imperceptibly fallen Into ignorance of The most 
Common Laws and then into Neglect of their duties, and, as 
impunity had too long favored disorder, insubordination would 
have gained tlie upper hand, had I not Found in the Hearts of 
tlie old Burgesses of This Town deep-Eooted Feelings of Prob- 
ity and honor, supported by which I soon saw good faith re- 
turn, with Police, Order, And Love for Agriculture, all of 
which had too long been banished from here. I caused the 
Town to be Extended last year and I Am About to do the same 
This Year. 

The Tillage of the Soil is my Chief Object, convinced as I 
Am that it is the source, of the Power and Wealth of States. 
To That end I beg you, Monseigneur, to allow me to Grant 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

lands and to have the Deeds dra\\ii up by the [Notary Of the 

The English have been coming For a Number Of years to 
corrupt the Savages Within the Sphere of This Post, and I 
Have resolved to have them pillaged. I will Begin by send- 
ing Them a Summons. I will not send anybody there empty- 
handed on account of the Savages but the equipment will be 
supplied by the traders.^ 

The Trade of the Savages with The English has Greatly de- 
creased within a year owing to the measures I have taken and 
which are succeeding. I have, Nevertheless, constantly re- 
fused to allow Brandy to be Sold to the Sax'ages, and it is wrong 
to Fear that Such Conduct will detach them from Us. Far 
from; It, Monseigneur, they have tendered me many thanks for 
this, and all The Chiefs of the Villages have given me their 
word not to return there. I gave medals yesterday to four 
Chiefs by order of Monsieur The General, and I took advantage | 
of The occasion to close that road to them. Your Grace Will 
be more fully informed respecting This Change next year. 

It was not a difficult matter to put a stop to the Trade be- 
tween the French and The English by the mediumi of the 
Savages ; they were tired of Being Robbed by the latter. 

Monsieur The General Sent Monsieur The Chevalier de 
Beauhamois here to remove the hurons and take them to Mon- 
treal. They seemed to Wish It, but The inconstant Mind of thi 
Savages leads me to Fear he will not succeed; he is still he 
Thus, Monseigneur, if Your Grace will permit me to say so, i 
would have been Better to have sent me, in the shape of presen 
for them. What This proceeding will Cost. I would hav( 
awaited the proper time to make the Most of them, and, witlij 
out Compromising the King's honor and Authority, I woul< 
have Sounded their Minds and gradually made arrangemem 
for their migration, giving nothing except on a Certainty; 
Monsieur The General could have written me to send The 

1 Copyist's note: "This sentence is added between the lines li 
Monsieur De Noyan's handwriting.'" 


mi] French Regime in Wisconsin 

Chiefs to Him, that he might see Whether they were firm' in 
their resolution. 

I Think, Monseigneur, there should not be such Persistence 
to get them. Times Avill Change, and then we will profit 

I remain with very Profound Kespect, Monseigneur, Your 
Grace's Very humble and very obedient Servant, 


Should my enemies bring charges against me and should 
these be brought to you, Monseigneur, I very humbly Beg Your 
grace to give me an opportunity to justify myself and confound 

I am informed that Monsieur hocquart wishes to appoint a 
Subdelegate at Detroit. I can assure you, Monseigneur, that 
tliere is not the slightest xsecessity for this, And that I 
make a fairly good use of a little law I learned, lliere has not 
not been a suit whieh I have not decided since I have been here^ 
although there have been Many, some of which were very old* 

[Source, same as preceding document, but fol. 221.] 

Copy of the Letter of the Sienr de Celoron, Corrmia/ndant 
at Missilimakinac, Writtein to Monsieur the Marquis de BeanJh 
hamois on the 2nd of September, 17Jfl. 

Monsieur — I have at length induced the savages to go and 
inspect the depths of their clearings. They are to start to- 
morrow, and as soon as they return, if the Lan3s be found suit* 
able, I will Send the French there to work so as to enable thena 
to sow in the Spring. I think, Monsieur, you will approve 
some expenses I shall be obliged to incur to place them in ao- 

1- Copyist's note: "Only the signature is autograph; the postscript 
is in De Noyan's writing." 

[ 359 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvh 

cordance with your intentions; I will bo as economical as pos- 
sible. It is impossible to avoid assisting them, for otherwise 
they would Settle at the grande Traverse where they have al- 
ready begun to do some clearing; that Spot is twenty-five 
Leagues Distant from here, and, consequently, not very Con- 
venient for Trade. 

As neither Poutchitaouy, L'arbre croche (crooked tree), nor 
the point of Pamitobe Are to their liking, I thought I could 
not do better than Induce them to Settle on the Extension of 
their Lands, which will not Eemove them farther from the 
French fort than two Leagues at the most. I will neglect noth- 
ing, Monsieur, to make them conform Entirely to your wishes. 
The good of the service and my Respect for the Otders given 
mo will lead me to make every Efforti to succeed in accordance 
with your desires. 

I have The honor te Be, with very profound Respect, Mon- 
sieur, Your very humble and very obedient servant. 




[Extract from a letter from Beauharnois to the French Minister, 
dated Sept. 26, 1741, MS. in archives of MinistSre des Colonies, Paris; 
pressmark, "Canada, Corresp. gen., vol. 75, c. 11, fol. 174."] 

Moi^sEiGNEUR — I have learned from your communicatiion 
of May 6, that His Majesty would have Been glad to hear that 
the Scioux had come down last year to Montreal. They had 
a talk with the Sieur Marin on January 18, at the Mouth of 
the Ouiskonsin River, and he ransomed a Sauteux woman, who 
Was a prisoner among Them. They told him that they had 
Been killed three or four times by the Sauteux of Point Cha- 
gonamigon and by those of the Sault Saint© Marie. They said 
they did not Know what to think of the attacks made on Them, 
aft€ir the Father of all the nations had granted them their lives; 

[ 360 ] 

ra] French Regime in Wisconsin 

a id that tbey believed the cause might possibly Be the report 
tiiat had circulated that the Warriors whoin they had Sent to 
]\[ontrea] were mere Slaves. They added that some of their 
c liefs Were ready to go down there if he would take them. 

As soon as I was informed of this, Monseigneur, I wrote to 
the Sieur Marin to ask him what his reason Was for not coming 
with the Scionx who had asked to be brought here. He !re- 
plied, under date of August 8, that he had not dared to Leave 
Them for fear of the Attacks which they might make on dif- 
ferent Nations. 

In the same Letter he writes me that the Sieur L'Ecuyer* 
had just arrived from, la Pointe, and had reported to him that 
the Sauieux had attacked the Scioux and had killed a great 
number of them, and that he could not answer for the Results. 
This, Monseigneur, agi'ees with what the son of the late Sieur 
Be la Ronde Wrote to me from that Place on the 10th of the 
same month. He says that the Sauteux, to the Nlumber of ten, 
have gone among the Scioux this fall and killed eleven' of them-, 
men, women and Children, although he did his best with the 
aid of the Sieur L'Ecuyer to Prevent them, from going to war 
With this Nation. However, nothing could restrain them and 
they Had set out this spring, 130 in numiber, and had killed 
Seven More Scioux. He no longer Hoped to be able to prevent 
them from going against them. 

Otolinois, one of the chiefs of this Nation, who Is the Father- 
in-law of Pendalouan, camie down to Montreal this Summer. 
After speaking to him of the affair of his Son-in-law, whom he 
blamed severely, I told him that I had learned that the Sau- 
teux had made an attack On the Scioux, and that he ougEt to 
Know that I had granted them their lives, and that this would 
disturb the peace of the country. I gave him a Collar and some 
presents for His Nation in order to bar their path. 

iWe are unable to identify this person, there being a number of 
Canadian colonists who bore that name. He may have been a relative 
of Marin, who in the Register of Fort Duquesne, on the occasion of 
his burial, was entitled "Paul Marin Ecuyer." — Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. 


The Sieur Ct^ulon de Villiers Wrote me fromi St. Joseph 
Kiver, July 0, that a party of 100 men, Scioux and Kenards, 
going to attack the Ilinois of Pimiteouy, had passed through 
the territory of the Sakis, and that the latter had notified them 
so they might be on their guard. He said he had just received 
at that Moment a letter from' that Place informing him that 
the natural son of the Sieur Gatineau had Been cut to pieces, 
half a league from the fort, and that a Scioux Canoe had been 
found near him. The Sieur Marin has Written me about The 
same matter. 

In another Letter, dated the 29tJi of tlie same month, he writes 
me that he has learned from the Sakis that it was Ouabacha, 
one of the two Scioux who Had been at Montreal with the Sieur 
Marin, that had committed this murder, although he had been 
overwhelmed with favors. 

The Mississagues, at the end of Lake Ontario, loft this Spring 
to gp to War With the Scioux. 

The Sakis and Renard chiefs, Monseigneur, spoke to the 
Sieur Marin in the presence of the Scioux. They assured him 
that they were thinking day and night of what their Father 
Onontio had said to them ; that he wished absolutely that they 
should go and rekindle their fire at la Baye; and ithey said 
that they had not failed to repeat this message to their young 
men ; that I had Spread a Mat for them by means of Collars and 
presents in thia Place, where they should live at peace with all 
the Nations, and that I would never abandon them as long as 
they Listened to my words. 

They said they thoroughly believed all that I had told them 
but that one party of their Warriors and of their old men' Was 
very much Alarmed by the words of the French who came to 
Chikagon [Chicago] and to Meolaki [Milwaukee], who had ad- 
vised them Secretly not to abandon Rock River, saying that 
if they returned to la Baye, some mischief would be done them. 
They thought that those who spoke thus had their own inter- 
ests in view in doing so, but they could never pacify their young 
men, as long as these Frenchmen kept coming so near to Them 
with Brandy. They begged the Sieur Marin to inform' me of 

[ 362 ] 


1741] French Regime in Wisconsin 

tlieir feeling im this matter, and they added that tbey Were 
sure they could induce them to come back to their Former vil- 
lage. I immediately Wrote to the Sieur Coulon to Prevent any 
French from the St Joseph River from going there to trade, 
and I have forbidden all voyageurs who have set out for the 
Ilinois to carry on any trade with tliese Nations, either directly 
or indirectly, under penalty of Being declared coureurs de bois. 

The Puants came down to Montreal this summer. They 
have nearly all come back to la Baye. Those who Were not 
there, were to come and join the rest in a short time. 

The Sieur Marin wrote me on June 13, that he had, on April 
6, stopped a party of Sakis and Renards, who were going to 
attack a Cabin of folles-avoines, that Were hunting on The Otiis- 

He wrote that he had learned that the Ilinois had Been war- 
ring with the Renards, and that they had taken five Prisoners, 
whom they had brought back, which had led to a Peace, though 
he apprehended it would not prove very lasting. 

Be writes me on August 8 and 10, that he continued to 
neglect nothing to get the Sakis and Renards back to the place 
destined for them, but that it seems impossible to bring them to 
a decision at once, as they still fear the Pla<^ because of what 
has occurred there. He says he had been obliged, at their solici" 
tation, to go to Missilimakinac and request the Commandant 
to Persuade the Outaouacs and Sauteux, when they go on expe- 
ditions, not to pass by la Baye, for fear of the mistakes thait 
occur only too frequently among Them. 

And ho says, finally, that he expects these two ^Nations to come 
and settle again at la Baye, if the French do not go to pass the 
winter at Chicagou and at Meolaki. He says he will Spare 
no pains in Executing my orders, and will act so as .to maintain 
peace among all the ^N'ations. 

You do me the honor, Monseigneur, of writing to ask me 
whether he has the necessary Talents for this, saying that 
you do not see that he has made any very great progress thus 
far, and that it has been reported to you that he does a great 

[ 363 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvh 

deal more in matters that concern his own interests, in regard 
to which you order me to be on the look-out. 

I Know, Monseignenr, that the Sienr Marin has Enemies due 
to Envy and jealousy, as usually happens in this Country. 
On my arrival, he was recommended to me as a good Man, who 
had Been among the savages all his life. I have seen letters 
of the late Monsieur de Vaudreuil, in which he stated that he 
always commanded respect in a Post. He has drawn the Pu- 
ants out of the hands of the Penards, and he has always Been 
ready to Expose His life for the good of the Service. Sucih! are 
the motives, Monseigneur, which have Led me to Employ him. 
This has not Prevented me from Writing to him always to pre- 
fer the service to every other interest, and I have shown my 
Letter to Monsieur de La Porte.^ 

I Had The Honor, Monseigneur, of reporting to you, in my 
letter of tlie 17th of this month, in regard to the Chaouanons 
and hurons of Detroit, as well as what occurred among the 
Chicachas, in another letter of the 1 5th. You will receive the 
Duplicate by the vessel of the King. 

The Sieur de Blainville. wrote me on June 4th that Penda- 
louan had passed the winter with him at Maskigon, where he 
behaved very well. He returned to Missilimakinac with him, 
and appeared disposed by his conduct to obtain' pardon for the 
wrong he had done. 

By another communication of July 29, he has informed me 
that he still continues to do marvellously. 

The Sieur de Celeron writes me on August 16, that he has 
Had frequent conversations with Pendalouan, and that the lat- 
ter is very repentant for His fault and promises to have 'No 
other will than mine. He intends to come down this Spring 
with the Chiefs of His xs'ation to obtain his pardon. 

You write me, Monseigneur, that the Insolence of this savage 
would perhaps not have Been carried so far if, instead of giv- 

1 Apparently this was Frangois de la Porte, Sieur de Louvigny, born 
1685, died 1749, son of Louis, Sieur de Louvigny, former commandant 
of Mackinac, who was lost in a shipwreck in 1725. — Ed. 


1741] French Regime in Wisconsin 

ing him a Second medal, I Had punished him as he deserved 
for the use which he had made of the first. I have nothing to 
add to what I Had the honor of writing you in a oommunioa- 
tion of Oct. 3 of last year. You know, Monseigneur, that the 
Savages are not easy to restrain, and that it is ncKjessary to treat 
them with a great deal of policy. Besides, If he had not Been 
drunk, he would not have committed such a folly. 

The Sieur Ooulon de Villiers Wrote me on September 20 
of last year, and on Mardi 26, May 14, and July 9, 24, and 29 
of this year. 

He writes me that since Spring the Poutouatamis have not 
ceased to go against tlie Chicachas, and that there is at present 
a party of 30 men out. 

By his second letter, I learn of the death, of Kouatkougy, 
and he proposes to me to replace him by the son of Pilemont. 
The latter refused to accept the medal of the former, saying 
that he wished to earn it first. 

By his letter of July 9th, I learn that the Kaokias, Having 
gone to war Against the Sakis, captured one man and two 
women; that, on their return Home, they passed through, tthe 
Village of Pimiteony, that la Babiche, who is Chief there, held 
a Council ini which it was decided that they must have thei pris- 
oners, that the Kaokias granted them the two women, and that 
tliey kept the man to bum ; seeing which, la Babiche gathered 
his young men and took the man by force. Finally the Hinois 
went to conduct the Sakis to their Village. He adds that the 
savages of His Post have taken the Road to Choueghen 
[O'swego], to see what reception the English will give them. 
Hie fears that they may get into the habit of going there in thia 
way, which will be very prejudicial to the Post. 

In his letter of the 24tli, he writes me that a Siakis, who Had 
arrived at the Rock River on the 16th, had reported that 
the Illinois of Pimiteouy Had set out, to the number of 60 mien, 
to go and attack the Scioux ; that the Chief of the band with 10 
others gave up the idea, that the fifty others changed their Plan, 
and went Against the Renards at the month of the Ouiskonsin ; 
that they killed four women and wounded one man; t£at a 

[ 365 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xyii 

Courier went to warn the Sakis, whom he told that they had been 
attacked without knowing by whom, that the latter immediately 
departed in great numbers and surrounded the Ilinois, who 
were coming down the Mississippi in Canoes; that when they 
disembarked tliey killed nine on the spot, and took five prisoners. 
The Ilinois told who they were and the Sakis in surprise said 
to themi: "My brothers, we Are sorry for what has happened. 
If you Had namicd yourselves, we would not have attacked 
you. We believed you were Missouris." Finally, they sent 
them back their prisoners with Cbllars, Excusing themselves 
For their mistake. He says that tbe Truth of this has been 
corroborated by another Savage, who told him that nearly all 
the Sakis were to go to le K(3cher, and to Send to Pimiteouy 
to parley, and to say to the Ilinois that they had no share 
in the affair which Had occurred, and that they wished to 
live in peace with them. The Sieur Coulon fears that this 
May lead to open War between the two Nations, and he iadd& 
that all this happened since the departure of the Sieur Marin. 

And, in his last letter, he informs me that the Poutouatamis 
and Outaouacs returned from the Chicachas with three pris- 
oners and four Scalps, which tlie Peanguichias had given 
them as they passed Themi; that the Poutouatamis alone had 
made an attack; and that they had presented two Slaves to 
the Outaouacs. 

I am with the greatest Respect, Monseigneur, Your very 

humble and very obedient Servant, 

Quebec, September 26, 1741. 

[ 366 ] 

1741] French Regime in Wisconsin 


[Letter from Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated Oct. 5, 1741. 
Source, same as preceding document, but fol. 201.] 

MoNSEiGNEUE — The Sieur de Blainville who commanded 
tit Missilimakinac in the abfceiice of the Sieur de Celeron/ 
Wrote me on the 28th of December that the Savages of that 
Post were going to Settle at la grarnde Riviere,* which led 
him to decide npon following them and passing the winter 
with Them, with the view of bringing them back. 

On the 4th of June following, he wrote me that they Had 
all returned with him, with the exception of a few who Had 
remained at the grande Traverse to inspect the Lands, which 
are very good at that Place. 

On the 8th of July, the Chiefs of that ITation came down. 
I Explained, to them my will with regard to the idea they had 
of Changing their Settlement. You will find my speech 
annexed hereto, Monseigneur.^ 

The Sieur de Blainville wrote me, on the 29th of the same 
month, that the Elders who Had remained, at the grande 
I'raverse had found the Land there so good that rt:here was 
reason to believe it would be very difficult to make them return 
and settle at the Place where I wish them to establish their 

The Sieur de Celoron wrote me on the 16th of August that 
those savages seemed very Eager to Settle on that land; that 
he foresees he will have great difficulty in getting them to 
alter their resolution; that, however, they will not Undertake 
anything without speaking to me. 

He Wrote me on the 24th of the same month that the Sav- 

1 Pierre Joseph Celoron was the elder son of Jean Baptiste de 
Celoron, sieur de Blainville. The Sieur de Blainville mentioned in 
this document was a younger brother, who bore the father's name as 
well as title; see ante, p. 207. — Ed. 

a The Ottawa was sometimes called Grand River; but this reference 
is to the river in Michigan which still bears the name. — Ed. 

3 See ante, pp. 351-353. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [vol. xvii 

ages in Charge of the presents, Collars, and Flags for the 
change in the situation of their village. Had arrived; that he 
had at once assembled 'all the Chiefs and had repeated my 
speech to them; that thej had Listened with great attention., 
much applause and many thanks. They assured hinoi they 
would have no other will than mine; that they fully appreci- 
ated all the kindness I showed Them; that I had just furnished 
thean Fresh proof of it by the kind reception I had given 
them; that, nevertheless, they could decide nothing with re- 
gard to their Settlement before the following spring, reply- 
ing to what I had said and had caused to be said to them. 

He added that what pleased them most was the assurance 
that they would find Brandy at Montreal, and that they proaur 
ised they would no longer go to the English. With that 
Object he will spend the winter with Them) and will not leave 
them. He has sent the Sieur de Blainville to Saguinan for 
the same purpose. 

He wrote me on the 29th that he had just had a long Ocm- 
versation with Pendalouan with reference to the Settlement; 
that as he was very Anxious to be restored to my favor, he 
was Seeking every Means to that end, and, in order tO' suc^ 
ceed, he had made every Effort to Induce his I^ation not to 
abandon their villages; they were to go and inspect the 
depths of their clearings, which he asserts contain very good 
soil, and, if this be true, it will be easier for them to decide 
to remain. 

The Sieur de Celoron informs me that that man has great 
influence over the Minds of his Nation, although he no longer 
speaks in tlie Councils ; That they do nothing without consult- 
ing him, and say that since he has Been Broken, they no longer 
have any Sense; that they proposed to ask me to restore him 
when they come to Montreal, and had requested him [Cteloron] 
to interest himself for liim [Pendalouan] w4th ine. 

The Sieur de Celoron miade him understand that the man- 
ner in which he Behaved in this affair would be the only thing 
that would Induce him to bear favorable testimony as to his 


[ 368 ] 


mi] French Regime in Wisconsin 

He also writes that if the savages of his Post continue in 
the dispositions in. which he found them, none will go to the 
English, and that the Sauteux are of the same mind. 

I have reason to believe, Monseigneur, that the Sieur de 
Celoron will neglect nothing to Carry out the orders I have 
given him, as that Officer Is very zealous for the service, and 
very disinterested. 

I remain, with very profound Eespect, Monseigneur, Your 
very humble and very obedient servant 

Quebec, October 5, 1741. 


[Letter from Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated Oct. 8, 1741. 
Source, same as preceding document, but fol. 208.] 

Monseigneur — Since the Letter I Had the honor of Writ- 
ing you on the 30th September last, I have spoken to the three 
huron Chiefs, who told me ^^othing but that they Were greatly 
obliged to me for my kindness in wishing to place them neair 
me, as they Were not in safety at Detroit; that before decid- 
ing as to their fate, they were waiting for The arrival of 
their people, who Had all gone on the war-path against the 
Chicachas; that on their return* they would at once hold a 
Ck>uncil, send me Couriers to inform me of the Result, and 
Choose the Lands that Suited thenl'; that They Were sent 
with that Object. It is to be feared, Monseigneur, that that 
Nation will not come down, but will Be dissuaded by people 
whose sole Eecommendation lies in interested motives, re- 
gardless of the consequences that may result Should this 
affair fail, you can see, Monseigneur, that it will not be 
through my fault. And that I have done all in my power to 
secure its success. I append several Letters Written to me 
on the subject by my nephew from Detroit and the Council 

[ 369 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [vol. xvu 

that was Held there. Should anything else come to my knowl- 
edge previous to the departure of the last ships, I shall have 
The honor of communicating the same to you. 

I remain with very profound Eespect, Monseigneur, Your 
very humble and very obedient servant 

Quebec, October 8, 1741. 



[Source, same as preceding document, but fol. 124.] 

Extract from a Letter Written by Father de la Bichardie 
to Father de Jaunay'^ who Was at the River louachetanon,^ 
dated Detroit, in the month of December, 17Jf.l. 

Kevekend Father — It would have afforded me much 
pleasure to execute the commission which you entinisted to 
me for Monsieur the Chevalier de Beauhamois, had he been 
here, but, after a somewhat useless sojourn of About a month 
in this part of the country, he decided to go to Sandoske, 
as he had been unable to Induce the hurons to come here to 
Listen to the message of Monsieur his uncle. I could not 
avoid mahing that journey ivith him, although I have reason 
to be convinced that I gave him no pleasure.^ 

1 Pierre du Jaunay was born at Vannes in 1704, entered the Jesuit 
order in 1723, came to Canada in 1734. The following year he is 
mentioned as returning to Montreal from Mackinac with Father Saint 
P6, and in 1756 he was superior of the Ottawa mission. When the 
Indians of Mackinac attacked the English garrison there in 1763, Du 
Jaunay opened his house as an asylum for them, at peril of his own 
life. He died at Quebec in 1780.— Ed. 

3 Probably a variant of Ouiatanon, the Indian name of the Wea 
tribe; v/hence, here, the name of the river (Wabash) on which they 
dwelt. Post Ouiatanon (louachetanon) was near the present city of 
Lafayette, Ind.— En. 

3 Copyist's note: "Thus underlined in the same handwriting as the 
"Whole document." 

[ 3Y0 ] 

L741] French Regime in Wisconsin 

It is Extraordinary that measures so little Consistent with 
authority and dignity as those resorted to should be taken 
at present to Remove the hurons from Detroit. The oppor- 
tunity should have beeni seized the moment the request was 
made, and they [the Hurons] should not have been so con- 
stantly refused as they were, only to be invited afterwards 
in a manner Burdensome to the French nation, without its 
being possible to obtain anything from Them. 

The success of his mission will be confined to Taking with 
him three elders who will not say a word, and whom: he has 
had gi'eat difficulty in persuading. 

It is easy to see that Monsieur the Chevalier wished to 
Take that Mission from us that it might devolve upon his 
friend Monsieur Piquet,^ who has already had some clear- 
ing done and some Cabins erected to receive themi; but^ what* 
ever may happen, the hurons will never wish to have any other 
Missionaries than us. 

The Reverend Father Superior, in Concert with. Monsieui' 
,the general, had toid me to Establisli them on gi'osse Isle, 
wliere they would have been better than Anywhere else. I 
cannot account for the Change. I shall await patiently the 
orders he miay Send me in connection with the mjatter. 

iFrangois Picquet was born in Burgundy, 1708. He entered the 
Sulpician order at Paris and was ordained and sent to Canada in 1734. 
He spent five years at Montreal and ten more at the Sulpician mission 
of Lake of the Two Mountains. He then founded the mission and 
settlement of La Presentation near the present city of Ogdensburg, 
New York, for the purpose of securing the alliance of the Iroquois. 
At the end of two years four hundred Iroquois had settled there, and 
the number increased to three thousand. In 1760 Picquet returned to 
France rather than accept English allegiance. — Ed. 

24 [ 371 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 


[Source, same as preceding document, but vol. 77, fols. 158, 153, 160. 


Speech of the Outaouacs of Missilimalcinac, of the hand of 
la fonrche, Sinagos and Kiskakons to Monsieur the Marquis 
de Beauhamois, Governor-General of New France, June 16, 

My Father, we come to tihank you -for all thid kindnesfl 
you have shown us in having sent Monisieur de Oeloron to 
Govern us. It was not without necessity, because we had no 
more Sense and wei*e scattered. 

My Father, Monsieur de Celoron has gathered us all 
together at one of the three places you had indicated. We| 
chose Tarbre Croche (the Crooked tree), where we found the 
land good and advantageous. He kindled our fire for us 
there and we at once began to make clearings. That fire will 
never die out; wie shall all haVe thei pleasuire {of warming 
ourselves there in peace and tranquility with our wives and 
our Children, And of seeing the Sparks fly up to the Sky. | 

My Father, we likewise thank you for the great Flag y<m 
gave us in addition to the fire, to be planted in our new vil- 
lage. The JiTations that pass our way will easily see lEat 
our Father has distinguished our village by that Flag. 

My Father, we again thank you for the mat you caused to 
be Spread for us by Monsieur de Celoron, that we might eit' 
on it near that fire; we shall take care to live there quietly, 
and they whx) come after us will never leave it. 

My Father, for fifteen years one Amiot,* married to 
Sakise, has been Settled at Missilimakinac working at 
trade of armorer and blacksmith witli the Jesuit Fatih< 
who keep back from him one half the proceeds of his labor 
this makes it impossible for him to provide for tthe subsistr 

1 Joseph Jean Baptiste Amyot-Vincelot, son of Charles Joseph A.-V. 
seigneur of Cape St. Ignace, was born in 1697; his marriage took pla<H 
in 1719.— Ed. 

[ 372 ] 


7421 French Regime in Wisconsin 

ence of his wife and eight Children, whom we have to sup- 
port, as they come to our Cabins every day for food. He 
wanted to leave the Post and go to the Ilinois; we Urged 
him to remain, telling him that you would be good einough 
to free him from, his work. We trust, My Father, that you 
will not refuse this request. 

My Father, you gave us much pleasure in sending U3 
Monsieur de Ce-loron. We have been told that you are tak- 
ing him from us. He will be regretted by all the village; 
he has been very kind to us. You give us Monsieur de 
Vercheres in his place. As he knows us, we Hope he will 
show us the same kindness. We will do everything in our 
power to make him satisfied with us. 

Speech of the Outaouacs of Saguinan to Monsieur tKe 
Marquis de Beauhamois, Governor general of New france, 
June 18, 171^2, 

My Father — Monsieur de Blainville came on your behalf 
to our village last spring, to bring us your message. 

My Father, he barred the road to the English to us by a 
Collar and by presents, telling us that it Was your "will, and 
he invited us to come here and Listen to you. 

My Father, I had no difficulty in making up my mind to 
come do\\ni as soon as I saw it was' your will, although I £ad 
never been in your village. I braved all the rapids and the 
dangers to have the pleasure of seeing you; we thought we 
should perish in the l-apids where onei of our Oanoea was 
broken; we Hope you will have another supplied us for our 

My Father, I have told you that I had never come down 
here. 1 Listened to the speech of the Chief you Sent to us. 
I come to Hear yours and to assure you in the name of all 
onr village that we will never do anything but your will. I 
do not think, My father, that you will Hear of any of us 
going to the English, since that is your intention. 

[ 373 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

My father, we deserve pity; when we break our guns and 
our axes we are obliged to throw them away because we have 
nobody to mend them. Therefore we beg you to give us a 
blacksmith for our village. 

Reply of Monsieur the Marquis de Beauhamois, Governor- 
General of New France, to the speech of the Outaouacs of Mis' 
silimakinac, of the hand of la fo^irche, Sinagos, and Kishakons, 
Jwne 23, 17J^2. 

My Children, I ami dielighted that you should feel yoiur 
obligation to me for having Sent Monsieur de Celeron to you 
to restore your Senses. 

My Children, I am greatly satisfied at your having Listened 
to the message I Sent you by Monsieur de Celeron, and at 
your having Elstablished your village at I'arbre Croche, where 
you have found good land. By these Branches of Porcelain 
I replenish the fire I have kindled at that Spot, so that it 
may never Die out, and, to give you fresh evidence of my 
affection and of the care I take of you, I have given orders 
to Monsieur de Yercheres to Send the officer second in command, 
with all the French who may be at Missilimakinao, to burn 
all the Trees you cut down last Spring, so that you may be 
in Position next year to seed your lands properly. 

My Children, the mark of distinction I gave your villa^ 
must be a further Inducement to you never to leave it, and 
to remain quietly and peacefully on the mat I have had Spread 
for you. I ui'ge you, as well as your wives. Children, and 
those who will come after you, to benefit by the advantage 
you have in possessing so good an Establishment, and, for 
my part, I am pleased at having placed my Children in a 
Place where they will no longer be Exposed to hunger. May 
your Hearts be as white as the great Elag I have caused to 
iDe hoisted in your village. I will always keep my eyes on 
it. Do not Stray Far away from it. I will continue to give 
you fresh tokens of my affection. 

[ 374 ] 

742] French Regime in Wisconsin 

My Children, I have carefully Considered the representa- 
tions you have made to me with reference to one Amiot, a 
blacksmith. I have entered into his trouble and into yours* 
V. have consequently giveni my orders to Monsieur de Vercheres* 
You will have reason to be satisfied with the arrangement I 
liave made. 

My Children, I am delighted with your gratitude towards 
Monsieur de Celoron for the kindness he has Shown yon. 
He had asked me to he allowed to come down on. his private 
affairs; I could not refuse him. You will find that Monsieur 
de Vercheres will show you the same attention when yooi 
Listen to his words, which are mine. 

My Children, Monsieur de Celoron has informed me that 
several of your War Chiefs had planned to strike a blow at 
the Scioux. By these branches of Porcelain I stay your 
Tomahawk until I have received news from^ la Baye and have 
made my intentions known to you through Monsieur de Ver- 

My Children, complaints have reached me from the Frencli 
who are Settled at Missilimiakinae, that your young men and 
the Sauteux do them considerable damage by stealing from 
their gardens and their fields, and by killing and wounding 
their animals. You must put a stop to this disorder by 
speaking to your young men. I charge you to say as much 
to the Sauteux on my behalf. You must know that when my 
French do you an injury, I make them repair it at Once. 

Bi/ Presents 

Here, My Children, are proofs of my afi^ection and of my 
satisfaction Avith you. Smoke calmly on your mats; Drink 
peacefully of my Milk like true brothers. 

I charge you. My Children, to carry this present to Agoa- 
beme, whom. I esteem, and to give it to him fromi me. By this 
same present I ask him to remain in peace on the mat I have 
Spread for you in your new village. 

[ 375 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

Reply of Monsieur the Marquis de Beauharnois, Governor^ 
general of New f ranee, to the Speech of the Outaouacs of Sagui- 
nan, June 2Jf, 17J^2. 

My Childredi, I am delighted at your having Listened atten- 
tively to the message I Sent yon in yonr village by Monsieur de 

My Children, he fulfilled my intentions when he barred the 
road to the English to you, because I am very glad that my 
Children of Saguinan should have but one heart with. mine. 

You have given me pleasure, My Children, by coming to see 
me and Listen to my word. What I have to say to you is that 
I ask you to go no more to the English, and to persuade your 
young men to come here for what you need, and to drink (suck) 
my milk, since it pleases you. You know that a Father is al- 
ways pleased to see his Children near him, and that his hands 
are ever* open to give them fresh tokens of his affe<jtion. 

My Children, I thank you for having braved all dangers to 
come and see me. I thank the master of life for having pre- 
served you amid those you have encountered. I will replace 
your Canoe that was broken. 

My Children, as you Had never come down here, I have been 
very happy to have the pleasure of seeing you. The assurance 
you give me on behalf of all your village that you will never 
do anything but my will, was what I expected from Children as 
submissive as you Are; but I wished to learns it from your- 
selves, and, as I am^ convinced that you speak to me with a sin 
cere heart, I open mine to you to tell you that I will alwayf 
hold you by the hand, and will never abandon you. 

My Children, I have pity on you ; I give you the blacksmith 
you ask; he is the eldest son of Amiot of Missilimakinac. I 
have given orders to Monsieur de Yercheres to hand him over 
to you as you pass, so that you may Take him with you to your 

To thee, Achaouabeme, in consequence of the good reports 
that have been made to me regarding thy conduct and thy 
bravery, I give this Mark of distinction, which the King 

[ 376 ] 

17 2] French Regime in Wisconsin 

gi ants only to his Children whom he holds in greatest oonsidera- 
tim. May this Induce thee to continiie to devote thy attention 
to affairs that are right, and to have my counsel Carried out by 
thy young menL 

I learned, My Children, from Monsieur de Celoroui, that you 
ir.tended to strike a blow at the Scioux. He also told me that 
last spring he had stopped the band consisting of the sons of 
the Corbeau (Raven). By these branches of porcelain, I 
stay your Tomahawk until I have received news fromi la Baye, 
and until I have made my intentions known to you through 
Monsieur de Vercheres. 

My Children, receive proofs of my affection and of my 
satisfaction. Smoke calmly on your mats; drink peacefully 
of my milk like tme brothers. (That is all I have to say to you. 


[MS. in archives of Ministfire des Colonies, Paris; press mark, "Can- 
ada, Corresp. gSn., vol. 77, c. 11, fol. 166."] 

Speech of Monsieur the Marquis de Beauhamois, Governor 
General of New france, to three huron Chiefs of Detroit who 
came down from that Place last autumn with Monsiewr le Chev- 
alier de Beauhamois, June 28, 17Jf2. 

My Children, I know that for a long timje you have been 
heartily Tired of being here, and that you would lite to be back 
in your village. I would have sent you back on my arrival, had 
I not expected replies to the letters I Wrote to Father de La 
Elichardie last autumn, which I have not yet received, and had 
I not thought that your elders would come down to speak to 
me and open their hearts to me like true Children. That is 
what I expected of them, and what they could not avoid doing 
without bein^ ungrateful for my kindness. 

I see, my Children, the reason that lias Pi^vented Sastar- 
etsy from coming down. I seem to Hear him say with his 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. 


council: ^Tor what object shall we go down there to- our 
Father ? Shall we go to justify ourselves ? We cannot, after 
all the steps we have taken to Induce him to remove us from 
a Place where we were in continual alarm, and wheir© we had 
everything to fear for our wives and Children. 

"To Induce our Father to hold out his hand and be favorable 
to us, what have we left unitried to move his goodness ? 

"Four years ago we Sent him a message to infoinn him of the 
situation in which we were placed by the multitude of our 
Enemies. What did our Father do ? He Sent us presents to 
cover the dead, to console the afflicted, and to stay the toma- 
hawk of the young men whose hearts might be turned to evil, 
and he Urged us to remain at Detroit after the affair imputed 
to our nephews should be Completely settled. 

"We abandoned our clearings and spent the winter at San- 
doske because we could not calm the Minds of our wives and 

"Orotony Sent branches of Porcelain to our Father on be- 
half of the whole village; by these he asked permission to go 
and Settle near him, as he could no longer live in peace at De- 

"We Sent two Collars to our Father. By the first we asked 
him to grant us a tract of land near him, so that our wives and 
Children might be in safety, and we told him' by that Collar 
that if he showed us not that kindness we would go and die 
in some Distant Spot. 

"By the second we begged him to give us an officer to go 
down with us to protect us from' attack. 

"We said that if the people of the Lake and of the Sault had 
Compassion on our wives and Children, they would come and 
comfort us on our mats and kindle a fresh fire for us in a Spot 
where they would consider us in Safety. 

"We represented to pur Father that during the time we were 
at Missilimakinac we received an embassy from our brothers 
of the Lake and of the Sault^ whereby they invited us to go 
njpar them saying to us: ^Come, my brothers, you are in the 

[ 378 ] 

1742] French Regime in Wisconsin 

midst of a multitude of nations that love you not and of wliose 
customs you are ignorant.' 

"We also represented to our Father that the late Monsieur 
de Vaudreuil Exhorted us at that time to leave as soon as pos- 
sible ITations that hated us, and that he said to us : ^oome near 
me; you will find here a safe refuge, a Father, a Protector.^ 

"We replied to him that we would some day follow the advice 
he had just given us, and would seize the first preitext that 
might arise to go neai^ him. 

"We said that our wives and Children were so frightened that 
they could live in safety nowhere except near our Father; that 
the whole village were of that opinion; that we spoke on their 
behalf, and that our i^esolution, was taken. 

"By a ISTarrow CWlar we asked our Father not to refuse our 
request, and to draw us to him ; and said we Hoped he would 
have compassion on our condition. 

"By another message we said that our resolution to draw near 
our Father was taken for ever, and that nothing could make us 
Alter it, because the huron knew not what it was to break his 
word nor to have a second thought succeed a first onie he had 
deemed reasonable; and that all our reflections had been made 
before our measures were taken. 

"Our Father took pity on us and granted all our requests. 
We had our thanks conveyed to him^ and we begged Monsieur 
de I^oyan to follow us and come and live with us on the tract 
of land our Father had granted us. 

"To give us fresh proofs of singular kindness, our Father 
Sent us his nephew last spring with Collars and presents to ful- 
fil the prv>mise he had given us ; he asked the people of the Lake 
and of the Sault — ^vhom we ourselves had often asked — to fol- 
low him. 

"That is what Our Father has done for us. Have we re- 
sponded to his attentions otherwise than with ingratitude?" 

Hurons, that is what I imagine Sastaretsy is saying with 
the whole of your village. 

My Children, I have just remembered that your elders 
left the deciding of all these matters with the young men, and 

[ 379 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [vol. xvu 

that all had determined to settle on la grosse isle. I can- 
not understand whence these misunderstandings arise. If 
your Chiefs were not masters to decide the fate of their vil- 
lage, they should not have spoken in its name, nor Induced me 
to do what I have dome for you. 

Apparently, my Children, all those evil affairs that have oo- 
•curred are Buried and all is forgotten on hoth eides. If sucih 
be the case, I shall be delighted to see you live quietly and 
peacefully in the place you shall choose. But^ for my part, I 
cannot put you anywhere, as I have no information regar'ding 
th& decision taken by your l!^ation. 

My Children, I have pity on you. I give you wherewith 
to take you back to your village. You may start when you like. 
That is all I have to say to you. 


[MS. in archives of Minist^re des Colonies, Paris; press mark, "Can- 
ada, Corresp. g6n., vol. 77, c. 11, fols. 181-235."] 

Speeches of the Ouyatanons, PHikokias, Kikapoux, and Mas- 
koutins to Monsieur the Marquis de Beauhamois, Governor^ 
General of New f ranee, July 8, 17Ji.2. 

The Ouyatanons 

We are rejoiced at Our Father being pleased to smoke our 

My Father, this is the message of a Chief who was obliged 
to discontinue his journey on account of illness, and who was 
bringing you the hearts of all the young men. 

My leather, we weq>, we are broken-Hearted because the 
Ohicachas killed us last Spring. We beg you to have pity on 
us ; we Are quite naked. 

My Father, we have followed the road you traced out for us* 
We Again beg you to have pity on us, and always to look favor- 
ably upon that road. 

[ 380 ] 



French Regime in Wisconsin 

My Fatlier, the Hearts of all the young men have "been 
Imught to you. Here is mine which I also bring to you. The 
riessage of the young men is the Calumet that fills hearts with 

My Father, as we cannot swim and Are not familiar with 
Oanoes, we beg you to give us somebody to convey us. 

My Father, we cease not to weep for the death of Monsieur 
dfl Vincennes, and we are continually on the warpath against 
the Chicachas to avenge it.* 

My Father, our young men Hope you will be good enoiigh to 
Send them some of your Milk.^ 

My Father, goods are sold us at very high prices. We there- 
fore beg that the Post of the Ouyatanons be under the system of 
Licenses like Detroit, so that Everybody m^ay go and trade 

My Father, we love Monsieur de ^oyelles; he is Familiar 
with our usages and is accustomed to our Ways. We beg you 
to give him to us. 

The PeWcohias^ 

My Father, as I have never appeared in Councils, I beg you 
to Excuse me if any Thing Escapes mie in my discourse. 

My Father, what the other band has said to you is the same 
Thing that I wish to say to you. 

I ami of the samje Mind as my Father who has already come 
here twice I follow the footsteps of my ancestors and my 
Heart is the same. 

My Father, all that I have said is said in all sincerity. I 
know that you have but one word. 

1 For the capture and death of Vincennes at the hands of the Chicka- 
saw, see ante, p. 259, note 1. — Kd. 

2French ''milk," in Indian parlance, signified brandy or other alco- 
holic liquors. — Ed, 

3 On the Ouiatanon post, and licenses therefor, see manuscript of 
1731, ante, pp. 131-134.— Ed. 

4 A Ouiatanon (Wea) tribe; see Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, p. 376.— Ed. 



Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

My Father, all our young meu are quiet in our village. 
They Hope you will have pity on Them. 

There was an evil nation, that of the Renards. We waged 
war on them and drove them Away because we knew they would 
not do your will. 

My Father, our sole occupation will be to avenge the blows 
struck by the Chicachas upon your French and upon Monsieur 
de Vincennes. 

My Father, this Calumet is f o"r the purpose of making the sky 
clear and dissipating the clouds. 

The Kihapoux 

My Father, I think you will have pity on us because we have 
never Deviated from, the Path you traced out for us. 

My Father, I think your Heart will have pity on me. It is 
contained in this Paper.^ 

My Father, we have widened the Poad you laid out for us, 
in order to follow the traces more easily. 

My Father, I have a Diesire to leave the Ouyatanons and 
Settle in the mieadow of the Maskoutins.-^ 

My Father, I do not think I shall ever comie back here because 
I am very old. 

My Father, we ask you for a Chief, a blacksmith, and 
Frenchmen to bring us what we need. 

The Mashoutins — in two hands 

My Father, you have always had pity on us; we think you 
will continue to show us the same kindness. 


iNote on margin of original MS.: "it is a commission of great Chief 
of a village." 

iThis is apparently a well-known landmark; see ^. Y, Colon. Docs., 
ix, p. 1097, and x, p. 20, where it appears to be identified incorrectly. 
The editor thereof is inclined to think it was at or near the site of 
South Bend, Ind.; but the evidence is inconclusive. See Carr, "The 
Mascoutins," in Amer. Antiq. Soc. Report, April, 1900, for an account of 
the wanderings and relationships of this tribe. — Ed. 

[ 382 ] 


1742] French Regime in Wisconsin 

My Father, we have followed the road you traced out for us. 
We have no news to tell you. We come to listen to your word. 
We Hope you will have pity on us. 

The other hand 


I My Father, when we saw that the Chiefs had decided to come 
and see you, we followed them. We Hope you will have pity 
on us as on your other Children. 

My Father, we have oome to see you and to Listen to your 
words. We Hope you will have pity on us. 

We Hope, my Father, that you will Send us away soon lest 
the inclement season overtake us on our journey. 

My Father, as we know not the Eoad, we Hope you will give 
us Frenchmen to lead us above the" Eapids. 

My Father, we ask your permission to go by the South of the 
Lake to shorten our road'. 

Mayamba in the private Boom 

My Father, the Puants camie to mie in my village last Sum- 
mer to seek a refuge and to form but on© Body With us, 
because they could no longer live with the Henards, who attacked 
them continually. I gave them my vmrd that they had only to 
come to me, and we would Settle Together in the Meadow of 
fche Maskoutins, where we think the Chacuanons [Shawnee] 
will also come and Settle with us, as they have promised us to 
do so. 

Reply of Monsieur the Marquis de Becmhamois, Govennor- 
general of New f ranee, to the speeches of the Ouyatanons, Peti- 
hohias, Kikapoux, and Maskoutins, July 12, 17Jf2. 

To the Ouyatanons 

My Children, I have smoked your Calumet with mucK 
pleasure, to show you how I love you all. 

My Children, I am sorry that the Chief who was bringing 

[ 383 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvis 

me the Hearts of the young men should have been compelled 
bj Illness to discontinue his journey. I have received hi& 
message with joy, and I charge you to bear him mine. You 
may say on my behalf to all the yoimg men,, that so long as they 
Listen to my words, I will always include them in the number 
of m{7 true Children. 

My Children, I am greatly afflicted by the loss you have 
experienced through the death of your Warriors who were killed 
by the Chicachas. Here is a leaf I throw on their Bodies, and 
a Drink of Milk to wige away your Tears. 

My Children, you have given me pleasure by foUoiwing the 
Road I have traced out for you. It will always be clear, and 
you will never find any Ambush in it. 

My Children, I have already told you that I received with 
pleasure the Hearts of all your young men. I receive joyjxa 
and your Calumet with Equal satisfaction. ■! 

My Children, I know that you Are not accustonned to Car 
noes. I will therefore give you Frenchmen to Convey you. 

By a Collar 

My Children, you do rightly in weeping for the death of 
Monsieur de Vincennes. I had given him to you because I 
knew he loved you and you loved him greatly. By this Col- 
lar, I ask you to continue to avenge his death. 

My Children, here is some of my Milk for your young men; 
they will see that I have Listened to their request. 

My Children, you are aware that it costs a great deal to 
convey Goods to your villages, and that there is a considea^ 
able difference between your road and that of Detroit Nev- 
ertheless, I take your request into Consideration. There willi 
be several traders, and you will be Masters to seek a cheap 

My Children, I will have an answer given to your request 
for Monsieur Denoyelle. I must first know how your villages 
are t^ be arranged. 

[384] ^ 

1742] French Regime in Wisconsin 

^B To the Petihohias 

My son, although thou hast never appeared in Councila, 1 
think nothing evil will come from thee. 

My son, I am. delighted that thou hast the same heart and 
the same sentiments as thy brothers, and that thou followest 
the traces of thy Father and of thy ancestors. 

My son, I know thy Heart is sincere ; thou are right in say- 
ing I have only one word. 

My son, I ami delighted that thy young men are quiet in 
your village ; thou seest that I have pity on them'. 

My son, I know what thou hast done with Regard to the 
Nation whereof thou hast spoken to me.^ It has acknow^ 
ledged its error and I have forgiven it. 

It is right, my son, that thou shouldst continue to avenge the 
Blows struck by the Chicachas upon the French and upon Mon- 
sieur de Vincennes. I ask thee to join thyself to the Collar I 
have just given for all your I^ation. 

My son, I ami pleased to see that thou wishest to have tfie 
sky Clear. I will always strive to have it so. 

To the Kikapoux 

My son, I know that thou hast never Deviated from tlie 
road I traced out for thee. To give thee proofs of my satis- 
faction, I change thy nxedal; and I give thee thine for thy 
son, that he miay be recognized as a Chief through that nmrk 
of distinction. 

My son, I know that I have given thee my Heart and that 
thou bearest it continually with thee. 

My Children, I am pleased that you have widened the road 
I traced out for you. 

My son, I leave thee at liberty to Settle in the meadW of 
the Maskoutins. 

My son, I Hope the master of life will preserve thee long 
enough to allow of my having the pleasure of seeing thee here 

1 Note on original MS. : "The Renards. 

[ 385 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

My Children, as soon as I see your fire well liglitod, I will 
Send you a Chief, a blacksmitli, and Frenohmen to take you 
what you need. 

To the Maskoutins 

My Children, you are right in thinking that I shall have 
pity on you, and that I shall always continue to show you the 
same kindness. 

My Children, I rejoice at your having taken the road I 
traced out for you, and at your having come to Listen to my 
word. You did right in following the Chiefs who decided 
to come and see me. 

I have always included you in the numiber of my true Chil- 
dren. You see that I treat you all Equally. 

My Children, you will be Free to leave whenever you like. 
I will give Frenchmen to you, as to the others, to take you back. 

To the three Nations 

My Children, it is impossible for me to consent; to give you 
the permission you ask, to pass by the South side of the Lake 
to shorten your Eoad. I have traced out one by which you 
have come; you said you would not Deviate from it. I have 
reason to believe that you have not two words. 

My Children, the season is not so far advanced as not to give 
you time enough to return to your homes. This will not 
lengthen your road more than two* or three days. The French- 
men I give you will soon enable you to make up that time. 
Moreover, if the bark is ready, I will give orders to Embark 
you on it to cross the Lake. If not, the French will take you 
to [N^iagara. 

My Children, I take this precaution lest you should mix my 
Milk with that of the English by passing by Choueghen, and 
lest some accident befall you. You know that people are killed 
at that Place every year through drink. Aa you Have oonue to 
see me peacefully, I shall be much pleased to have you go back 
in the same manner. 

[ 386 ] 

f42] French Regime in Wisconsin 

To the Kihapoux and Maskoutms 

M^f Children, here is a Collar that I give you to ask you, as 
|t have asked your brothers the Ouyatanons and Petikokiaa, 
to continue to strike the Chicachas. 

That is all 1 have to say to you. 

Speeches of the Outaouacs of Detroit in two hands, to Mon- 
sieur the Marquis de BeauJiarnois, Governor-general of New 
France, July IJf., 17Jf2. 


My father, I have not been here for four years and you say 
to us: my Childr;en, I expect nothing from you but your open 

My Father, you also say to us, My Children, let no evil affairs 
ever happen in the Place where you are, and, saying this, you 
give us a medal. 

My Father, while returning home, we heard bad news at 
Niagara. We Were greatly Einbarassed as to what we should 

My Father, wliile we were at Niagara, the Commandant told 
us he had received a T>etter from Monsieur de Noyelle who was 
our Father at Detroit, and told us to travel at night and make 

My Father, when we arrived at Detroit, we heard all the 
bad news ; we wished not to Listen to it, because we were return- 
ing from our Father's. 

1 Kinousakis (Quinousak) was a staunch friend of the French till his 
death (1752). Between him and MSkinac there was some rivalry, and 
similar presents were conferred (1747) on both, lest the lukewarm 
M6kinac might create disorder. Kinousakis went (1748) on behalf of the 
French to the Miami River, hoping to lead back the disaffected Huron 
under Nicolas, but found they had gone on to White River. When he 
died, LfOngueuil wrote: "We lose a chief who was, apparently, much 
attached to the French." — Ed. 

25 ■ [ 387 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvii 

My Father, our young men are not at our village ; they are 
all on the war-path. Those who remained have come down to 
see you, and they greet you by this present 

By four Branches of Porcelain 

My Father, I Clear your sight so that you may more easily see 
e Warriors wh 
had most Sense. 

the Warriors who are here. I have brought with noie those who 

By a Collar 

My Father, when, we came here you said to us : My Children, 
I do not want your Furs nor your presents; I ask but your 
Hearts. We bring them to you as well as our bodies. Do what 
you will mth us ; we are ready to obey you. 

By a Collar 

My Father, it is the eustom of all the Chiefs to advise us not 
to go to the English. Monsieur de E"oyan, who is at Detroit, 
told us, on your behalf, not to go there any more. My Father, 
I have Encouraged my young men to obey your will, saying to 
them: I have never Been there and I have not died of it. I 
think. My Father, they will Listen to your message. I ask for 
them the same token you have given the others. 

My Father, I have come to see you. As I am an aged man, 
I expect it will be the last time. I appear before you with 
empty hands, because I am no longer Capable of anything, an' 
I came here solely to obey the Commandant. 

By two Calumets 

My Father, what I have just said to you is without design. 
I have experienced difficulty in reaching here, because my 
Canoe is worthless. I Hope you will give me another for thqjj 
homeward journey. i" 

My Father, I said to the Commandant that so long as I livedo 
nothing evil would happen at Detroit, because my Father^i 
heart and mine Were the same. Something might occur afte 
my death. 

[ 388 ] 


1742] French Regime in Wisconsin 



My Father, tliis is not the first time we have come to you; 
they who have the medal have already been here ; we beg you tOI 
give lis others. 

My Father, here we are with you ; it is Chicatalien who has 

Cme to take your hand with these three other Chiefs. 
My Father, you alone have strength, we know that you are 
e master of the whole country, and of all the villages. There- 
fore, My Father, we beg you to take all the young men by the 
hand, that they may be peaceful and quiet. 

My Father, we beg you to have pity on us^ you who have all 
the strength in your hand, and to take care of these Chiefs who 
are here, and of the women and Children who have come to 
greet you. 

By a Collar 

My Father, I beg you to be always pleased to Listen to your 
Children, and that the fires of Detroit may be peaceful. 

My Father, I beg you to have pity on us and to make us tell 
ihe truth. We have come to Listen to your word, and We will 
never pay any heed to the discourses nor to the evil birds that 
may fly about in our villages. 

My Father, in smoking this Calumet we smoke three. 

My Father, here are two yoxmg men whom I bring to you in 
order that you may know them. One of them is my eon. 

My Father, behold Chicatalien presents his son to you, as 
I present mine. 

My Father, when we shall fall down, we think that, seeing 
these two young men and knowing them, you will at once raise 

iM6kinac (Mikinak, Mikinac, Miquinac) as early as 1695 was one of 
the leaders of an attack upon the Iroquois, which broke for a time the 
peace made with the tribes of the upper country by that nation on be- 
half of the English. Later (1747), his loyalty to the French weakened, 
as did that of all the Ottawa tribes except Kinousakis's.— Ed. 

[ 389 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

By a Collar 

My Father, you will perhaps not find my speech good because 
I have no Sense. 

My Father, the reason why I said to you that I had no Sense 
is because we anmised ourselves drinking and Koutaouen has 
lost his medal. He dared not present himself before you with 
-empty hands. 

Reply of Monsieur the Marquis de Beauhamois, Governor- 
general of New f ranee, to the Speeches of the Outaouacs of De- 
troit, July 21, nJ^2. 

My Children, you must have no doubt regarding the pleasure 
I have felt in seeing you arrive here in good health. 

My Children, I know that it is four years since you came to 
see me ; the tim^ has seemed long and I have been Lonely. I 
tell you once more that I expect nothing from you but your 

My Children, I will always repeat what I have said to you: 
that I wish no evil aft'airs to happen in the Places where my 
true Children are. 

My Children, I have learned all the bad news you heard on 
your arrival at E'iagara, and the Einbarassment in which you 
found yourselves. I know also that you asked the Commiand'- 
ant for guns to defend yourselves in case of attack, and that he 
xeplied to you that Monsieur de Noyelle had restored all things 
to order, and that you did not need them. 

My Children, you w^re right in not Listening to the bad news 
that was told you on your arrival at Detroit. You must remem- 
ber that the hurons cleared themselves of the charge before you. 
Always think. My Children, that you are returning fromi my 
house, because you Are present to me at all times, and you must 
not move in any matter, without first learning what I think. 

My Children, it is right that all your young men should have 
gone on the war-path against our Common Enemies, and that 




1742] French Regime in Wisconsin 

I those who remain shoud have come down to see me. I willingly 
I accept their present : I gladly give them tokens of my affection. 


By four branches of Porcelain 

My Children, you have given me real pleasure by Clearing 
my sight. I had long desired to see these brave Wart-iors who 
are here before me. I know they have Sense, and therefore I 
ask them to strive solely for good, listening to their Chiefs. 

By a Collar 

My Children, I shall never be weary of repeating that I have*, 
no need of your Furs or presents. I ask only for true Hearts.. 
Yours seem sincere judging by your words. I have never- 
doubted them nor your assertion that you will always be ready- 
to do my will. ^ 

By a Collar 

Thou, Kinousakis, hast told me thou hast never traded with 
the English, and that thou hast not died of it. The Coramand- 
anta have reported thy conduct to me, and I have Been so satis- 
fied with it, that I cannot refuse thy request to grant medals to 
those whom thou suggeslest to me. 

My son, I know that thou art an aged man, but I think the 
master of life will preserve thee long enough to allow me the 
pleasure of seeing thee Again. Thou must know that I will 
Listen to thee when thy hands are empty as I would if they 
were full. 

My son, I will give thee the Canoe thou hast asked of me to 
take thee home. 

My son, Monsieur de Noyan has Written me what thou hast 
said, that so long as thou livest nothing evil will ever happen 
at Detroit, because thy heart and mine Were the same. I ask 
thee to Exhort thy successor to be of the same Mind, so that tibet 
land miay always be peaceful. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

To Mekinac 

My son, it is not today that I have made thy acquaintance 
and first seen those who are here and who have the miedal. I 
will ^ve others to those who may be deserving of them, when I 
receive some from France. 

My son, Chicatalien, I have taken thy hand with pleasure, 
and also the hands of the three Chiefs with thee. 

My Children, I know that I am the Master of the whole 
Country, and of all the villages of my Children who listen to 
my words and do my will. Therefore I take all the young men 
by the hand, and order them to live in peace and quietness. 

By Presents 

My Children, it Was not necessary to beg me to have pity on 
you. You see that I take care of the Chiefs, the women and 
Children who have come to see me. 

By a Collar 

My Children, so long as you do my will and that of the Com^ 
-mandants whom I Send to announce my wishes to you, I shall 
always be disposed to Listen favorably to you, and you may 
warm yourselves in peace at the fires kindled at I>etroit. 

My Children, I will always make you tell the truth when 
you pay no heed to the evil birds that may fly about in your 
village. You must Listen to nothing but what I shall say to 
you, or what may be said to you on my behalf. 

My son, I know while smoking this Calumet that it contains 
three. Thou hast given me pleasure by bringing me thy two 
young men that I may know them. As soon as I saw them, I 
loved them^ and I will remember them. I recommend thee to 
instill naught but good principles into tlieir minds. Chicatalien 
has given me the same pleasure by presenting his son to me. 
If you fall, I will cause you to be lifted up by these two young 






1742] French Regime in Wisconsin 

By a Collar 

My son, I shall ever find good all that may come from thee, 
because I know that thine is a right Mind. It is a pity that 
Koutaoiicn should have lost his medal. I replace it for him; 
let him be careful to keep it well ; he is wrong in not venturing 
to pi'esent himself before me empty-handed, because I ami satis- 
fied when I Listen to my Children. 

My Children, all the Chiefs promised' Monsieur De IN'oyan, 
as he Wrote me, not to go to Choueghen any more. I have 
learned that they have Sent their wive® there. They miust 
know that this is the same as if they had gone there themselves, 
and that thisi is against my will. 

Speech of the Poutouatamis of River St Joseph, to Momr 
sieur the Marquis de Beauhariiois, Governor-general of New 
frame, July 16, 17Jt2. 

My Father, we are delighted to hear that the King, our 
Great Father, has raised you to higher dignities. He knew he 
was giving you only that to which you were entitled, and that 
he was rewarding your services. 

My Father, we have beeni Induced to come down on account 
of the evil things whereof we were told we were accused. We 
have come to clear ourselves. It is Pilemou,^ Tchichaakane, 
Mekisslin, and Oquiyaouy who speak to you. 

My Father, the Children of Monsieur Marin have accused us 
of having killed thirty Frenchmen in the Ilinois country. W6 
beg you not to believe a word of it. Our band, Consisting of 
ten men, came upon a ITegro who Had escaped ; they Took him 
with Them on the war-path ; he was taken from their hands by 
the French. 

My Father, we are also accused of having killed two French- 
men, and of having said that we had done so to avenge ourselves. 

iPilgmou had previously visited Montreal (1721). See Wis. Hist. 
Oolls., xvi, p. 398.— Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi xvii 

A Frencliinian told us this on our way down. We Also beg you 
not to believe it. 

My Father, T have come without design to bring you these 

My father, at the time the blow was struck at le Corbeau (the 
Raven), we said you had nothimg to do with it; that we had no 
Wish to revenge ourselves : that our Hearts were not turned to 
evil, but, on the contrary, we wished to forget everything. 

My Father, we ask you for Dehestre as blacksmith, and that 
he miay work (solely for himself, because, if anybody should 
reeeive any Remuneration from him, he would be obliged to 
charge usi miore for his work. We ask this favor of you in the 
name of all the Chiefs and of the whole village. 

My Father, when last we camie here you said to us: My 
Children, come and see me next year. I was unable to obey 
you because I went on tlie war-path against the Chicachas. 

My Father, the people in our village "think you will make us 
drink some of your Milk. 

Reply of Monsieur the Marquis de Beauhamois, Governor- 
general of New- france, to the speech of the Poutouatamis, of 
River St. Joseph, July 22, 17Jf2. 

My Children, it has given me much pleasure to see you. I 
am obliged to you for the compliment you pay me regarding 
the new disTiity wherewith the King has honored me. 

My Children, you must never listen to bad news. I have 
long known Pileemou, Tchichaakane, Mekissilini, and Oquiya- 

My Children, I have never heard that you were accused, 
either in the direction of la, Baye or in any other place, of hav- 
ing killed Frenchmen. You are Children toO' submissive to 
your Father, to be guilty of such evil deeds. You savages are 
to be pitied because you believe and Listen to everything that 
is said to you. Do you not know that if you had been accused 
of such a thing I should have made my thoughts known to you 
long ago ? 

[ 394 ] 


ms] French Regime in Wisconsin 

1 . . ' 

* My Children, in future have no ears to Hear evil discourses; 
never Listen to any words but mine, and those that may be car- 
ried to you on my behalf. 

My Children, I am surprised that you should still spoak of 
the death of le C'orbeau [the Raven] . You must be aware of 
all I have done to have that unfortunate affair buried deep 
do'Vi'H in the earth. You renew my sorrow because I loved him 
greatly and he was attached to me. I think your hearts are not 
inclined to evil. 

My Children, I grant, you the blacksmith you ask ; nobody 
shall receive any remuneration from' him; I do not think any- 
body has. I will order him to work for you at cheap rates. 

My Children, I rememiber well that when last you came to 
see me, I told you to come back The following year. I know 
that you went on the war-path against the Chicachas, and this 
Prevented your doing so. You will give me pleasure by contin- 
uing and I will reward your zeal. 

My Children, I know you complained to Monsieur Coulon,* 
because I had Sent you no presents, and that I had Sent some 
to the Oliyatanons, Kikapoux, and Maskoutins. I am very 
happy to tell you that I treat all my Children Alike so that there 
may be no jealousy Between them-. .What I Sent those three 
Nations, was in answer to several messages they had sent me. 

You must know that I never Send presents to the Posts lest 
they be lost, as has frequently happened. Moreover, it pleases 
me that my Children receive them from my hand. 

My Children, I give you proofs of my affection ; I Send some 
of my Milk to your village with presents, and wherewith to 
smoke peacefully on your mats. 

My Children, I am sorry to Be obliged to tell you that you 
continue to go and get bad Milk from the English, which spoils 
your hearts and your Minds, and Prevents you from paying 
your debts. I am informed that they give you bad impressions. 
Therefore, my Children, I shall not be pleased with you if you 

1 Louis Coulon de Villiers; see atite, p. 128, note 1. — Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

continue ; because you can come here for what you need as well 
as you can go to the English, and, moreover, I am your Father. 

By a Collar 

My Children, I am told tbat every year you decide to move 
your village/ I know you are well placed where you are; my 
intention is that you remain there. By this Collar I replenish 
your fire, and take away all the bad thoughts that may be in 
your hearts. 

I Send to Ouilamec, Memidokay, and Ouasado the same 
things I give you. Tell them from me that I urge them 
always to strive to do what is right. 

Pilemou and Thichaakane, I give you each a Medal, and a 
gorget to Okeyaouisse (Oquiyaouy). On account of the dis- 
tinction conferred upon you, I think this miark of honor will 
Induce you to strive more and more to do what is rights to 
Listen to my words, and to do my will. 

Speeches of the Scioux, Sdkis, Benards, Puants, Sauteux of 
la pointe de Chagouamigoxi^ and folles avoines, to Monsieur the 
Marquis de Beauhamois, Governor-general of New france, on 
the 18th, 2Uh and 25th of July, 17Jf2. 

The Scioux 

My Father, we the people of the other Side of the half of the 
earth, are very happy to appear before you today. We com© to 
ask your grace. 

My Father, we heard throughout the earth that yooi do good 
to all your Children. We said: "why should we not go like 
the others and present our Calumet; perhaps our Father will 
have pity on us." 

My Father, we heard that the Sakis and Eenards had in their 
village a Chief called Monsieur Marin. We said: "they are 
fortunate ; we must go and see him that He may smoke our oalu- 


]r42] French Regime in Wisconsin 

net with lis, and we must Induce the Siakis and Renards to 
i i atercede for us, that he may receive us." 

H fMy Father, as soon as Monsieur Marin had smoked our Cal- 
i| umet, we Sent with hinn two of our young mien, Ouabacha and 
^Jintez, to beg you for life. 

H I My Father, when our young- men returned to our village, they 
"said to us: "You other Chiefs, My Father asks for you; he 

wishes to see you." 

My Father, we begged Monsieur Marin last winter to bring 

u? to you to ask for life. We are indebted to him for Eaving 

been able to come down to see our Father. 

My Father, we have had no other will than tbat of Monsieur 

Marin, and yet last spring more than 160 of our men were 

killed, without counting the women and Children. We have 

not moved to revenge ourselves for that Blow, because he, on 

your behalf, forbade our doing so. We have oome to complain 

of it to you. 

My Father, I will not repeat all the Blows struck at us by the 

Outaouacs, Sauteux, and otber IsTations, because we think Mon- 

sieu Marin has reported them to you. 

The same on the 2^th of the said month 

My Father, I feared to be badly received when I entered 
your house, but I found you had the kindness to receive me like 
the others. 

My Father, we would not have ventured to ask any favor of 
you, had we not found two of our Children, who began to cry 
when they saw us. As we come from so far, we Hope, My 
Father, that you will not refuse ns, and that we may Take them 
with us. 

My Father, I should be proud if you would have the kindness 
to give us our two Children, who wept when they saw us. 

My Father, though I am a Chief, the young men do not 
always obey my will ; wherefore I beg you to have pity on me. 

My Father, this Leads me to ask you to grant us an officer in 
our villages, to give us Sense. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi xvii 

Sakis and Renards — By a Collar 

M.J Father, when I first came to beg you for my life, you 
granted it to me. and I have always lived from that time. 

My Pather, when I cam© here I asked you many important 
things. We asked yon for a Chief to guide us, and you granted 
us one. 

My Father, you gave us Monsieur Marin; we thank you fop 
it; vre are pleased with him; he takes good wire of our wives 
and Children, and of all our villages. 

My Father, wheni you gave us Monsieur Marin, you said to 
us: ''Listen to his words, they are mine." He said tons: 
''Move your village, it is the will of your Father." We obeyed 

My Father, we thank you for having given us that Chief; 
through hin\ we live in peace. 

By a Collar 

My Father, we have Moved our fire ; we are a day's journey 
from la Bayo, our former village. We beg you to have pity on 
us Olid to tliink no evil of us. 

My Father, all the French Know well that at the Place 
where we Were, there was not enough to live on.^ Therefore 
We camped a little higher up. 

My Father, Monsieur Marin said to us: ''You Sakis and 
Eenards, do not go to war against the Children of your Father 
Onontio ; remain quiet at home." 

My Father, w© replied to him that we would never Go to war 
against anybody; if we are attacked we will defend ourselves. 
And shortly afterward the Ilinois killed four of our women. 

I do not conceal from you. My Father, that when I was killed 
I pursued them. We killed ten and made five prisoners. 


iThese were the villages on Little Lake Butte des Morts, a widen- 
ing of Fox River just below Doty's Island in Menasha township, 
Winnebago County. See Grignon's statement of location of Foxes, in 
Wis. Hist. Colls., iii, p. 204; also Lawson, "Outagamis at Menasha," 
in Wis. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, 1899.— En. 

[ 398 ] 

]'42] French Regime in Wisconsin 

II M.J Father, when we had struck that blow we recognized 
Vkem as our brothers, and as Children of the same Father. We 
L$id to them : "What were you thinking of when you came to 
Itrike us ? You are very fortunate in being Children of Onon- 
Jio; otherwise we should bum you." And we sent themi home 
out of consideration for you. 
My Father, when wc arrived at the village of the foUea 
avoines, we were surprised to see the heads of two of our men 
suspended in the air. We said: "how can it be that we are 
killed by our true brothers V^ 

My Father, we cannot tell you all that may have happened 
since we left our village ; we have heard that war parties were 
in the field going in our direction. We know not what nation 
they will strike. 

My Father, as we have had no news of all those parties, we 
know not what has happened : therefore we fear for ourselves 
on our w^ay back. You only, My Father, who have arms of 
iron, can protect us. 

My Father, it has afforded us pleasure to see our allies from 
the other villages receive marks of distinction. We beg you, 
My Father, to confer similar tokens of honor on us. 

The same on the 2Jfth of the said month 

My Fathei', I feared you on my arrival on account of the 
blow we struck the Ilinois, although we w^ere not the first to be- 

My Father, tihis is the second time I have come to see you, 
and you have ahvays received us well. 

My Father, I have asked you no favor since I have been here. 
I expect shortly to have life and that you have granted it to ma 
Therefore, My Father, we beg you to give us back the daughter 
of Ouachalard^ who was a gi'cat Chief with us, and the daugh- 
ter of Patchipao, a Saki eliief.- 

1 Ouachala; see Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, index. — Ed. 

2 Apparently the hereditary name of the head chief of the Sauks. 
One Pashepaho held that office in the time of the Black Hawk War; 
see Wis. Hist. Colls., x, 154. — Ed. 

[ 399 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [vol. xvii 

My Fatliei', one of the two girls I ask for is a Renard and 
the other a Saki. As you have granted us our lives, I do not 
think you will refuse them to us. 

My Father, although we found two war-parties going in our 
direction, this did not Prevent our coming down to see you. 
We know not what may have happened. 

My Father, those two War Parties cause us appreliension ; 
tfiey will perhaps attack the Scioux or us; we have everything 
to fear. 

My Father, on account of all these unfortunate affairs, we 
beg you to recommend Monsieur Marin w^ho brought us here to 
take us back quietly to our villages and to urge him to depart, 
because we would like to return homie promptly, owing to those 
War parties. 

The Puanis 

My Father, you told us to go and Settle at la Baye ; one half 
the village has gone there, the other is at Riviere a la Roche. 

My Father, you told me to obey Monsieur Marin; I have 
done so. I am on the warriors' Road. I cannot Prevent their 
passing; all I can do is to stop our young mien. !N'one have 
yet' gone to war. 

My father, I ami uneasy; I am Embarassed at seeing Na- 
tions that wish to disturb the land. We have only you to sup- 
port us. 

The Sauteux — By a Oollar 

My Father, I have nothing to say; I came to Listen to your 
words. You told me to keep quiet and to not disturb the land 
any more ; I have done so. 

My Father, last autumn Monsieur Marin Sent a Letter to 
Monsieur de Laronde, who said to us: "Go my Children, go 
to him ; he asks for you on behalf of your Father." 

My Father, you see all your Children here; I have goiw 
through their villages. 

My Father, as I am not master of my body, I beg you to 



742] French Regime in Wisconsin 


Iiiave pity on me, and to Teach me to live properly; that is 
fhat I Want to do. 
My Father, I will not tell yon What I have done, because 
I think Monsieur Marin and Monsieur de la Eionde have re- 
ported it to you. Here is the Message of the Scioux, Sakis, 
and Renards with whom I have made Peace. ^ I bring it to 
you that you may keep it, because it would much better be in 
your hands than in mine. 

The folUs-Avoines, on the 25th of the said month 

My Father, I have not come here without design. Mon- 
sieur Marin said to me: "man a Canoe with Chiefs, go 
down below that you may yourselves tell your Father of thie 
Blow you struck." I obeyed and came down as you see us 
before you. 

It is true, My Father, that we did wrong in striking the 
Renards our brotbers. The Chiefs did not consent to it, au'd 
had nothing to do with it. A young Giddy-pate committed 
the deed that causes us so much Trouble today. 

My Father, knowing the fault I have conmiitted, I come to 
deliver my body into your hands. 

My Father, never have I done evil, because I have always 
followed your advice and done your will. It has seemed to 
me that the French only were my allies. 

My Father, we have come also to Listen to the speeches oi 
the Scioux, Renards, Sakis, Puants, and Sauteux, our allies, 
your Children, who have come down here to ask you for Peaxje 
and quiet. We come for the same purpose, and have no doubt 
they have spoken of it to you. 

My Father, the reason why you see so many of us, is that 
I have brought with me the more dangerous of the young War- 
riors, whom I have bound, so that, if the Renards Wish to 
revenge themselves, they miay do so miore easily, as we have 
left women only in our village. 

My Father, I know not what to do to give an opening to 

iNote on original MS.: "it is a collar." 
. [ 401 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

mj Enemy, that he may revenge himself more quietly. We 
come to weep near you, and "we beg you to settle the trouble 
we are now in. That is all we have to say to you. 

Reply of Monsieur the Marquis de Beauhamois, Governor 
General of New france, to the speeches of the Scioux, Sakis, 
Benards, Fuants, Sauteux of la pointe de Chagouamigon, and 
folles-avoines, July 28, 17 42. 

To the Scioux 

My Children, you are right in saying that you are fortunate 
in being permitted to appear today before me, in being granted 
the favor you ask of me, and in being included by me in the 
number of my true Children. 

My Children, you have seen for yourselves that what the 
whole earth told you is true. You have seen also that I have 
accepted your Calumet and have smoked it, to show you how 
1 wish peace and quiefc to reign, amongst the IsTations of my 
Children. You must have perceived that I have pity on you. 

My Children, I saw the two young men you Sent me, 
Ouabacha and Sintez. I replied to their speeches. They 
made me, indeed, promises on your behalf, which they have 
not kept, because the same Ouabacha killed one of my French- 
men in the River of the Ilinois, and since then another French- 
man has been killed in the mississipi country, and one has 
been captured, whom you gave the Sakis and Eeaiards to be 
handed over to Monsieur Marin. 

My Children, you would have done much better had you 
Chiefs come down here instead of Sending young men. Per- 
haps those evil things would not have happened, because you 
would have paid more attention to my words. 

My Children, you did rightly in coming down with Mon- 
sieur Marin to beg your lives of me. T grant them to you on 
condition that no evil affair shall ever happen. I think that 
all you have said to me is sincere, and comes fi'om the bottom 

[ 402 ] . 

om J 



1742] French Regime in Wisconsin 

of your hearts. You must not forget that if you strike 
another evil blow I will let loose all my Frenchmen and tlie 
i^ations that ask no better than to swoop down on your vil- 
lages, to revenge themselves for all you have done in the past. 

My Children, you must know that long ago I Sent an officer 
with Frenchmen, to the Cristinaux, Monsonis, and Assiniboils 
to bear my message to them, and tell them from mie that my 
intention was that they should make peace with you/ Five 
years ago they Sent an Envoy from those three !N'ations 
who told me they had Sent a Collar, a Calumet of Peace, and 
Black Tobacco to your village®, and two years had elapsed 
without their getting an answer. From that time I have not 
ceased to give orders with the same object, and I will give 
fresh ones to conciliate all things. Meanwhile keep quiet 
and Listen well to Monsieur Marin whom I send back with 
you. As during your return journey you may meet some of 
your people coming from' those Places, be not uneasy about 
them. You can come and get them next year, and I will 
deliver them to you. This, My Children, for the present, 
is what I can do for you, and for the tranquillity of your 

My Children, Monsieur Marin has told me of all the blows 
that have been struck at you, by the various ISTations Around 
you. I have given Collars to the Outaouac® of Missilimak- 
inac and Saguinan, whom you met on the way, to Prevent 
them from striking you. You have made peace with the 
Sauteux of Chagouamigon. I urge you to do as much with 
the Puants, to forget all that has been done on both sides, and, 
when you meet while hunting, to live like true brothers, as 
you do with the Sakis, Kenards, Folles-Avoines, and Poutou- 
atamis who are here present. 

1 Doubtless Beauharnois here refers to the preparations for the estab- 
lishment of the first Sioux post, and probably to the exploring and 
fur-trade projects of La V6rendrye. — Ed. ! > 

26 [ 403 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [vol. xvu 

Reply to their speeches of the of the said month 

My heart is good; I always receive my Children with pleas^ 
ure when I see that they repent of their errors. 

I give yon your two Children who wept when they saw you. 
Yon see that I refuse you nothing, in the Hope that you wiU 
do my will. 

My Children, you are to be pitied, if your young men Lis- 
ten not to your words. I cannot for the present grant you 
the Chief you ask, to live with you, and give you Sense. I 
must first see how you behave, and whether your reigret is 
sincere. Meanwhile your needs will be supplied. I give 
orders to Monsieur Marin to report, to me on your conduct. 

My Children, as I see you are naked, I give you what you 
need to cover you and to take you home. Here are presents 
for your villages, and a drink of my Milk. Let them make 
a good use of these and smoke quietly and peacefully on their 
mats, Listening to my message. 

To the Sahis and Renards 

My Children, I am delighted that you have lived in peace 
since I granted you your lives, and that Monsieur Marin has 
been careful to maintain tranquillity in all your villages. 

By a Collar 

My Children, I am glad you have placed your village in the 
Spot where it now is, since you could not find .subsistence in 
the former one. I am informed that you are not all gathered 
there Yet, and that some are at Riiviere a la Roche [Rock 
River], others at Chikagou [Chicago], and Meloaky [Mil- 
waukee]. By this collar, I gather you all together that you 
may form but one and the same village, and I declare to you 
that I will no mx>re consider as my Children, those who do 
not obey me, because so long as you are scattered, it is impos- 
sible to avoid evil things happening. 

My Children, Monsieur Marin was right in telling you not 
to war on any nation, and to remain quiet on your miats. 

[ 404 ] 


1742J French Regime in Wisconsin 

By a Collar 

f My Children, I could not blame yon for defending your- 
selves when the Ilinois attacked you. I am pleased with you 
for sending back the captives you took from that Nation. I 
have Written what you said on the subject to the commandant 
of the Ilinois, and have ordered him' ix> Prevent the Ilinoia 
from picking any further quarrel with you. By this Collar 
T bar the road to them against you. 

My Children, I have heard that you Listened to the evil 
words that were told you in the Diretion of the River St 
Joseph, and that you were informed that my int.€fntion waa 
to gather you all together, in order the more easily to destroy 
you all. You must know that I am a good Father, that I have 
frequently given you proofs of it, and that I have not granted 
you your lives to take themi from you. Therefore, in future, 
listen only to my words, aud those which may be carried to 
you on my behalf. Consider carefully the Collar I have just 
given you to gather you together, and those given you by Mon- 
sieur Marin in my name for the same object. 

My Children, you had reason to be surprised at seeing your- 
selves killed by the folles-avoines, your true brothers, who lare 
not in the habit of getting themselves into trouble. I was as 
surprised as you were. They have come down to oiffer repar- 
ation for that affair. Here they are present with all their 
Warriors whom they tell me they have brought, so that yon^ 
miay avenge yourselves more easily, as they have left women' 
only in their villages. They have also told me that their 
Chiefs had nothing to do with that evil deed, which was eomh 
mitted by a young Giddy-pate, and this got them into T'rouble- 
at present. They have delivered their Bodies and those of 
their young men to me, which must show you the regret they 

Monsieur Marim has told me that they came to la Baye, to 
see you with presents to cover your dead. He at once sent 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

Monsieur de Sacquespee^ to carry his message, by which he 
asked your warriors to weep quietly for them, pending my 
decision, which he would make known, to them on his return. 

As to thee, my son Pemoussa, I am pleased with thee fop 
having accepted their presents, and for having Sent Mekaga 
to thy village to settle this unfortunate affair. 

My son, here is something wherewith to cover thy dead^ and 
a drink of my Milk to relieve the hearts of the afflicted onea 
I Urge thee to bury this unfortunate affair so deep that it vdU 
never be spoken of again. It would be a pity to wage war 
against your brothers on account of a young Giddy-pate. 

My Cliildren, you can return in peace. I assure you that 
nothing untoward will happen on the way. 

Pemoussa, and Patchipao, I give you each a Medal, to Show 
you that I am satisfied with you, and with the good Accounts 
Monsieur Marin has given me of your conduct. May this 
mark of distinction Induce you more and more to do my will, 
and to strive for what is right. Had I others, I would hav6 
given one to Pemaho, and I would have Sent another to Me- 
kaga. It v^dll be done next year. 

My Children, as I have given you life, I grant you the daugh- 
ters of Ouachalard and Patchipao, whomi you have asked of 
me. You can leave whenever you please. I have ordered 
Monsieur Marin to make haste. 

My Children, here are tokens of my friendship and pres- 
ents for your villages. I expect you to make a good use of them." 

To the Puants 

My Children, it would afford me much pleasure to see you 
all assembled in the same village. I charge you to say this 

1 Joachim Sacquep^e, sieur de Gonincourt; born in 1701, he was 
made second ensign in the troops in 1755, and died near the Missisippl 
about 1770. — Ed. 

2 For reports of this conference with the Indians, and regrets for the 
expense incurred in presents, see Beauharnois's letter to the French 
Minister in N. Y. Colon. Docs., ix, p. 1099. — Ed. 

[ 406 ] 

It42] French Regime in Wisconsin 

from me to those who are at Riviere a la Roche, and that if 
thej will not do my will, I will no longer look upon them as 
ly true Children. 

My Children, jou did right in stopping yonr young men 
^ho wished to join the war-parties that passed by your homes. 
My Children, I will always support you so long as you lis- 

to my advice and do my will. 
As for you, my Children, Serotchon and Chelaouois, I am 
rery sorry I have no more medals. Had I any I would Have 
mferred that token of honor upon you because I am pleased 
ith you. It will be done next year. 

To the Sauteux 

My Children, you did rightly in coming here to Listen to 
my words. I am pleased that you have remained quiet^ and 
have observed what I told you. 

My Children, I am glad you went to Monsieur Marin> on 
behalf of Monsieur de La Ronde, to make peace with the 
Scioux. In this you have followed out my intention. It is 
good that you should live all Together like true brothers. 

My Children, as you were Sent by Monsieur de la Ronde 
who governs you, you had nothing to fear while passing through 
the villages of my Children. 

My Children, as I see you are animated by favorable dis- 
positions when you ask me how you are to Behave, you have 
but to Listen to my advice which will be announced to yon 
by Monsieur de La Ronde and you will never do anything 

My Children, Messieurs Marin and de la Ronde have re- 
ported to me all that you have done. I will carefully keep 
tlie message given you by the Scioux, Sakis, and Renards, 
with whom you have made peace, and I will have it shown to 
you whenever you come down here, so as to make you remem^ 
ber it. 

My Children, here are things wherewith to cover you and 
for your return home; here also are presents for your village^ 

[ 407 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

Viith a drink of milk and wherewith to smoke quietly on your 
mats. Urge your young men on my behalf not to go to the 
Elnglish any more, because that is not the road my Children 
should take, and moreover they can receive naught but bad 
impressions there, which will spoil their Hearts and Minds. 

To the folles-avoines 

My Children, you have done well in coming down here and 
in doing what Monsieur Marin told you. 

My Children, you committed a great error in striking the 
Eenards your brothers. I am sure the Chiefs did not con- 
sent to the evil deed, and that they had nothing to do with it. 

^ly Children, you have done rightly in coming to place your 
bodies in my hands. 

My Children, I know you have never got yourselves into 
trouble; that you have always carried out my intentions and 
done my will hear, use you are truly attached to me. 

My Children, I am greatly pleased that you also have come 
to Listen to the speeches of the Scioux, Renards, Sakis, Puants, 
and Sauteux, my Children, who have come down here to ask 
me for peace, and that you have come with the same object 
They have spoken toi me and you must have Heard my replies. 

My Children, you did well in taking the precaution to bind 
the more dangerous warriors, and bring them here, in order 
to Prevent matters becoming v/orse. I think that Monsieur 
de Sacquespee with Mekaga will have quieted everything on 
both sides. 

My Children, it is good that you have given your Enemy 
an opening, by leaving only women in your village. I do not 
think they have wished to take advantage of it. You have 
just seen what I have done to settle this matter. On your 
Part I recommended you to give the Renards the satisfaction 
that is due to themi, and to tell your young Giddy-pate that 
he must be careful that such a thing does not occur again. 

My Children, here are presents I give the principal Chiefs 
and the Distinguished women who are with you. Here are 

[ 408 ] 


1742] French Regime in Wisconsin 

some for your village also.' All this should Induce you to live 
peacefully and quietly with your brothers. 

if To the Six Nations 

My Children, the Council that has been held here today, 
will be announced by the officers commanding the Posts to all 
the ^Nations My Children. 


[Letter from Beauhamois to the- French Minister, dated Sept. 5, 1742. 
MS. in archives of Ministdre des CJolonies, Paris; press mark, "Canada, 
Corresp. g6n., vol. 77, c. 11, fol. 94."] 

MoNSEiGNEUR — ^I have received the Letter you did me The 
honor of Writing Me on the 20th of April last I have seen 
in the King's Memorial what His Majesty h^s enacted with 
regard to the Trade and Exploitation of the Posts of the upper 
Country. I do not think there are any, Monseigneur, where 
the officers cannot Be of great use ; othenvise I would not have 
sent them there. 

It would have Been desirable, Monseigneur, that this arranges 
ment should have been suspended, and that you should Have 
Had the goodness to Commiunicate it to me before Ordering 
its Kxecution, because I should have Had the honor of sub- 
mitting to you my representations on the importance of this 

It is to be feared, Monseignonr, that as soon as the savages 
learn that, the Posts are to be disposed of io the highest Bid- 
der, they will all go over to the English. This may perhaps 
not be noticed the first year, but it may happen in the second. 
I can, give no better proof of this, Monseigneur, than the pre- 
caution I took to Prevent the Ouyatanons, Petikokias, Kika- 
poux, and Maskoutins from passing by Choueghen, as you will 
see in my answers to their Speeches, and the promise I gave 

[ 4:09 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvn 

them before receiving your orders to put the Post of ih.e Ouya- 
tanons on the License system like that of Detroit, on their Rep- 
resentations to me that goods would be sold them, at too Dear a 
rate. J^everlheless the T'rade is Carried on by voyageurs, and 
the Comm,andant has only 3000 livres per annum, that they 
give him. The Commandant of River St. Joseph is on the 
same footing. 'Now, how can I keep my word, and at the 
same time Carry out His Majesty's intentions. 

There is another drawback, Monseigneur, in the arrange- 
ment made with respect to the Post of Missilimakinac and in- 
serted in the King's Memorial; it is that the Missionary shall 
Continue to enjoy the proceeds from the forge, and that an 
officer second in commanad is unnecessary. You will see, Mon- 
seigneur, by the speeches of those savages, that they asked 
me to allow the blacksmith the freedom of his work, which 
I could not avoid granting them. The Poutouatamis made 
me the same request, which I granted also. I have done the 
same for the Post of Detroit in the instructions I have given 
the Sieur de Celoron. The stratagems resorted to by the Eng- 
lish to attract our Savages, compel me to use great Circum- 
spection toward Them^ and to Content them as much as I can. 

I gave Ol-ders to the Sieur de Vercheres in his instructions, 
to send the officer second in command to spend the winter 
Every Year with the Outaouacs of Saguinan, to Prevent their 
trading with the English. Such, Monseigneur, is the use of 
an officer second in command. 

All these precautions, Monseigneur, — ^ which my zeal and the 
Experience I must have gained with regard to the Manner of 
dealing with the N'ations^ led to to take before I received the 
King's orders — ^ place me, as I have just had the honor of ob- 
serving to you, in, a state of Embarrassment from which it will 
be difficult for me tO' Extricate myself, especially with sav- 
ages who are kept in check solely by careful Management, and 
who would seize the first pretext to break the word they have 
given me were I to fail to keep mine. Unaware as I Was, 
Monseigneur, of the change you have deemed expedient to 


1 42] French Regime in Wisconsin 

riake in the System; of Exploiting tlie Posts, I acted toward 
t le K'ations according to my lights, and as the interests of the 
Service Required. The complaints made to me by those sav- 
ages that there is only one Store at Each Post, and their rep- 
resentations that if, on the contrary, there were several, they 
T7ould get goods Cheaper, led me to promise as yon will see, 
that I wonld place the Posts on the License systemi, on the 
same footing as Detroit. In order to keep my word to them, 
-when I was informed that persons to whom I granted Posts, 
sub-let them to others at a. higher price, I compelled the per- 
son who farmed the Post to go there himself, and I cancelled 
their Bargain, because this T'ransaction compelled the sub- 
lessee who paid a higher rent, to sell goods to the savages at a 
dearer rate, so that this Was a pretext to induce them to go 
to the English for what they needed. From this argument 
it miav be Concluded, Monseigneur, that as Each Post may 
by Competition Be raised to a very high price, they will be 
unable to give their Goods otherwise than at higher rates than 
those of the ordinary crade, and there will be only one Store at 
each Post. When these two things happen, far from' main- 
taining and increasing the trade of the Colony by means of 
that of the Upper Country, they will on the one Hand Cause 
the Puin of many private individuals, and on the other lower 
the opinion they have of the Govemor-Generars person ow- 
ing to the changes they will see in the promises given them, 
and which I could not avoid giving them. 

K'evertheless, notwithstanding these reflections, the sole ob- 
ject whereof on my part is the welfare of the service — as I 
flatter myself you are convinced — ^I will take suitable Meas- 
ures with Monsieur hocquart to Eeconcile His Majesty's in- 
terests with those of the IN'ations, regarding which you have 
so often recommended me to act, with Circumspection, and 
the importance whereof I fully recognize. I consider, Mon- 
seigneur, that I should have "Deserved your reproaches had 
I not pointed out to you the drawbacks that may arise, through 
the System on which the Posts will be exploited, and the non- 
fulfillment of rny promises to the Savages. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [vol. 


Moreover, I Beg you, Monseigneur, to Be convinced that 
I will continue to exercise careful attention in the choice of 
the officers I shall appoint to the command of the various Posts, 
and I flatter myself that you will approve the List I shall have 
the honor of Sending you every year. The same applies to 
the distribution I shall make of what His Majesty is pleased 
to continue to give to the poor families of this country, and 
which I think I have hitherto effected with the discernment 
you recommended to Me In View of their Needs. 

I remain with very profound Respect^ Monseigneur, Your 

very humble and very obedient servant, 

Quebec, September 5, 1742. 


[Letter of Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated Sept. 15, 1742. 
Source, same as preceding document, but vol. 75, fol. 121.] 

Monseigneur — I received the Letter you did nue The honor 
of Writing me on the 14th of February last, with reference to 
the hurons of Detroit. ,1 

You may have seen, Monseigneur, by all the documents 
appended to my despatch of the 17th of September of last year 
that I acted solely in consequence of the repeated requests 
of those savages, of the Letters from the Sieur De ^N'oyan and 
fromj Father de la Richardie. That Written by the latter to 
Father St. Pe, his superior, on the 26th of August, 1740, which 
fell by accident into my Hands as it came to My address, and ^ 
of which an Extract is annexed, had decided Me to take pre- 
cautions for the removal of the Nation from a Place where I 
considered their destruction certain, since it is true that Father 
de la Pichardie, after speaking of grosse Isle as a place for 
their Settlement, wrote that be thought they would hardly 
live more in peace there than at Detroit. 


i';i2] French Regime in Wisconsin 

The conduct of the Chiefs toward my nephew, did not orig- 
irate with them, but Was inspired by their Missionary, and 
I can give you no better proof of this, Monseigneur, than to 
S3nd you an Extract from his Letter Written to Father Du- 
jnunay in the month of December, 1741, wherein the whole 
Mystery is unveiled, and the proof thereof results from In- 
formation I have Had. 

If that Missionary perceived that he gave no pleasure to 
My Nephew by following him to Sandoske, this clearly proves 
that he Endeavored to thwart him. 

You may see, Monseigneur, by all i have had The honor 
of Writing to you and by the annexed documents, that I have 
taken no step inconsistent with authority and dignity, as 
Father de la Richardie Writes: neither have I ever refused 
the Hurons' request to come and Settle at Montreal. On the 
contrary I have Endeavored to keep everything calm until I 
could see how the affair would turn, and I decided to Remove 
them from Detroit only when it seemed to me advisable to 
do so. I had the honor, Monseigneur, of Eeporting to you 
on this matter by a despatch of the 14th of October, 1740, 
and by another of the 12th of May, 1741, and you were pleased 
to write me on the 26th of July of tlie Same year, that His 
Majesty could but rely on me for Carrying out my views with 
regard to those Savages, 

The Father was right when he wrote to Father Dujaunay, 
that the three hurons who came doAvn with My ISTephew would 
not say a word ; he Was quite sure of his facts. 

I imagine, Monseigneur, that what Led him to induce the 
burons not to come down, was that he thought^ from what may 
have been told him, that Monsieur Piquet wa-s having Cabins 
erected at the Lake of two Mountains, and clearings made, 
to receive the hurons. They who Wrote to him on the sub- 
ject were not aware that such Cabins and clearings, Were in- 
tended for the Algonkins and j^epissingues Wandering in the 
Interior, as I had The honor of informing you by my des- 
patch of the 12th of May, 1741. 

I was not Desirous of Establishing the hurons at grosse Isle, 

[ 413 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

INotw ithstanding what Father de la Kichardie Wrote to hi* 
superior, with reference to my acting in Concert with him. 
You will see, Monsoigneur, by the Letter I Wrote him on the 
80th of August, 1T41, that I said to him that, previous to the 
quarrel of the hurons with the Nations of Detroit, there Was 
no mention of the sterility of their Fields, and that my inten- 
tion Was nt^t that they should go and Settle there. He haa 
not as yet sent any answer to that Letter. It will h& easy 
for you to see that those Fathers want to have a share in the 
Government, which is very pernicious inasmuch as they make 
the savages act according to their Ideas and their interested 

According to the last !N'ews from. Detroit, it is stated that 
the hurons would not live at grosse Isle ; that they were going 
to establish themselves at la belie [Ohio] Riviere and would 
Seek only to Go away. I fear they will Carry out their de- Jl 
sign, because so long as they are at Peace with the Tetea- 
plates, they will never live in quiet with the !N'ations they 
have Betrayed, unless they war against them. This was the 
plan I had thought of, but Father de la Eachardie again op- 
posed it as you may see, Monseigneur, by the Extract from 
his Letter Written to Father St. Pe on the 10th of June, 1741. 

I am well aware, Monseigneur, that the Removal of the 
hurons would have entailed considerable expense, and this led 
me to Seek to Settle their awkward affair. "NTeverthelesa 
they could not have represented to me that they acted in obe- 
dience to my orders, inasmuch as they had asked me and had 
several times caused me to be asked to be allovwd to Settle 
near me for their own Tranquillity and that of their wivea I 
and Children. If those savages go to la belle Riviere, they 
will soon go to the Tete® plates, and become the Enemies of 
all the "Nations. 

I have been informed, Monseigneur, by two credible per- 
sons, that the English Governor of the neighboring country 
had Written to Father de la Richardie that if the hurooa 
would go and Settle there, they might practice their Religion, 
and he might act as their Missionary. 




142] French Regime in Wisconsin 

There is uotliiiig the English do not practise to Bribe our 
fiivages and attract themt to them. I watch and have watch 
lept constantly to frustrate their designs. I might flatter my- 
83lf that I could succeed Were I not thwarted as I have hith- 
erto Been, without being able to apply any remedy as you 
laay see. If the E'ews of the hurons' design be confirmed, I 
Tvill take the most rightful means to frustrate it, and shall 
have the honor to Report to you thereon. 

Before receiving His Majesty's orders, I Had decided to take 
no steps to remove the hurons, because I had Been infonued 
that they Were not in accord. I spoke to the three Chiefa 
who Were in Montreal on the 28th of June last, and sent them 
back to their village. I have The honor of appending the 
Duplicate of my speech; the original was sent by the trans- 
port "Canada." 

I have sent the Sieur de Celoron to be Commandant at De- 
troit in the place of the Sieur De Noyan. I gave him orders 
to exercise the Strictest supervision to prevent all Outside 
Trade at that Place, to arrest all offenders and Send them to 
Me in close custody. 

I handed him a Copy of my words to the hurons, with in- 
structions to gather them together and repeat the same to themi. 

I also gave him orders to allow the French Settled at the 
Post and the voyageurs, to trade at grosse isle, and even to 
Settle there if they deem expedient. 

I Ordered him to watch and to have Strict watch kept 
to prevent all fraudulent Trade at that Place, and, in the Event 
of his observing any Abuses and of its being necessary to erect 
s. fort to put a stop to the same, he was to notify noe promptly. 

Nevertheless, Monseigneur, I have seen what you are pleased 
to order with reference to the Establishment of that Post. 
I shall have the honor of reporting to you what I have done 
in this respect by another despatch. 

I remain, with very profound Respect, Mouseigneur, Your 

very humble and very obedient Servant^ 

Quebec, September 15, 1742. 

[ 415 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. 



[Letters of Beauharnois and Hocquart to the French Minister, dated 
Sept. 24, 1742. Source, same as preceding document, but vol. 77, fols. 
108, 335.] 

Several of the Algonkins and The IN'epispingues scattered 
through the Land came to settle at the Lake of the two mount- 
ains, and a great many others are to come. The good treat- 
ment they receive from the missionaries, and the expenses 
which the latter incur in subscribing to keep up the Establish- 
ment will gradually bring about the settlement of the Savages 
in this place. 

He begs for the continuance during some years of the fund 
of 2000 livres, which, was granted last year On the product 
of the Licenses; And he represents that it is to be wished for 
the good of the service that the King should have granted the 
16000 lires which had been asked for. 

The Chief Pendalouan, an outaouai, came down to Mont- 
real to excuse His past conduct. And said he did not ask to be 
re-established until he Avas judged worthy of it. This savage 
was very Helpful to the Sieur de C^loron in tlie negotiation 
which he undertook in order to prevent the outaouais of Mich- 
ilimakinac from quitting that Post. 

The conduct of the Sieur Marin in his dealings with the 
Scioux, as well as with the Sakis, Renards, folles-avoines, and 
sauteux, who came down to Montreal with him last year, ought 
to show that the Idea which has always been entertained of 
the Talents of this officer is correct. This motive and the 
progress he has made in His negotiations have decided him 
to send him back, especially as he had given His word to these 
Savages to bring them back in Safety. He asks approval of 
his action.^ 

This officer has informed him that during His journey two 

1 Note on original MS. : "He has been ordered to recall him." 


r i2] 

French Regime in Wisconsin 

Ipirties of outaouais and Sauteux had killed a Scioux and a 
pi enard, a matter which he will find diffiicult to accommodate.^ 
MoKSEiGNEUE — I have received the letter which you did me 
tJie honor o£ Writing the 15th of April last. You will see 
by the speech of the Chaouanons, which I have had the honor 
of Sending to you by the transport-ship "Canada," with my 
replies of which I add duplicates, that no reliance can be 
placed on all their promises to me in regard to their Removal 
to the Prairie of the Maskoutins, near the Ouyatanons, as 
they have Been tampered with by the Ebglish in order to in- 
duce them to make Peace with the Tetes plates and to Settle 
on the Cherakis [Tennessee] River. I will, however, Spare 
no pains to oppose this Transplantation, in order not to lose 
this x^lation which is as docile as it is inconstant/ Perhaps 
what I have said to them will make an impression and inspire 
them with the fear of becoming Enemies of the other ITations. 

Several Algonkins and K"epissingues, who Were Roaming 
round the Cbuntry, have come to Settle at the Lake of the 
two 'Mountains; and I am informed that many others are to 
come there. The good Treatment that they receive from 
I the Missionaries, and the expenses into which they Have 
Entered in subscribing for the maintenance of this Establish- 
ment will gradually bring about a reunion of these Savages 
in this Place; Especially with the additional Help afforded 
by the 2000 livres which the King has condescended to grant 
for that purpose this year, Out of the proceeds of the licenses. 
It is to be wished that His Majesty should have decided to 
grant the 16000 livres which I had asked for for the needs 
of these Nations. But as he has not judged this expedient, 
I beg you, Monseigneur, to continue in their favor for some 
years this same fund of 2000 livres. I will see that it is dis- 
bursed with Exactness in favor of these savages, and will 

iThis first part is the ministerial abstract, made probably for sub- 
mission to the king. — Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvu 

have the honor of reporting to you the progress made in this 

I have not, Monseigneur, received any news as Yet of the 
Sieur de la Verendrye, which leads me to think that he has 
followed up his discovery. Father Coquart^^ who has passed 
the winter at Kamanistigouia, Wrote me on May 26th last 
that Laeolle, [a] Monsonis war-chief of Lac de la Pluye 
[Rainy Lake], had formed in September a party of more than 
200 men, the majority of whom "Were Cristinaux and Assini- 
boels; that they had Attacked the Scioux of the Prairies, that 
70 Warriors of this l^ation were killed, without counting the 
women and children; and that the number of Slaves Was so 
great that, according to the report and the Expression of the 
Savages, they occupied in their march more than four ar- 
pents; that the band of Laeolle had lost only six men; and 
that there were many Wounded, as they had fought during 
four days. He added that the Sieur de la Yerendrye did 
everything he could to prevent this fight, but that presents 
and arguments had made no impression on the Mind of this 
Chief. He says that this defeat will not facilitate matters 
for the Sieur de la Yerendrye; that there will be more Slaves 
than packages; that the Savages were beginning to stir Again, 
and that they had already sung the war-song. All these oip- 
cumstances are not easy to reconcile with the arrangements 
which his Majesty prescribes for us to Follow, in a circular 
letter. However, Monseigneur, Monsieur Hocquart and I 
will consider what decision is to be taken for the good of the 
service and for the furtherance of everything. 

Since I Had the honor of Writing you last year regarding 
some Frenchmen killed by the Chicachas, they have killed 

1 Claude Godefroy Coquart, born in 1706, came to Canada about 1738. 
After three years' service at Quebec, he was appointed chaplain for 
V6rendrye's forces, and set forth for the upper country; but he did not 
winter with that explorer until 1743-44, when he is known to have 
been at Fort La Reine. After 1746 he served the Saguenay mission, 
dying at Chicoutimi in 1765. His linguistic work was- in the Abenaki 
language, for which he prepared a grammar and a dictionary. — Ed. 

[ 418 ] 

17 2] French Regime in Wisconsin 

t€ 1 others on Oct. 15tli at the iron mine at the Mouth of the 

labache. ^ 

According to the journal of the Sieur de St. Ange,^ it 
8e3nis that, since March 12th of last year up to Aug. 12th, 
there have Been 616 Savages of different iNTations who have 
B'^en on the warpath against the Chicachas, without includ- 
ing the hurons at Detroit. Their progress has not exceeded 
19 prisoners and 16 scalps. The hurons have taken 25 Slaves 
and Scalps. If I learn of any further attack made upon 
Them, before the sailing of the last Vessels, I will have the 
honor of reporting it to you. 

You will see, Monseigneur, by the words of the Outaouacs 
of Missilimakinao and by my answers, which I have had the 
honor of Sending to you by the transport-ship "Canada," and 
of whicli I enclose duplicate-copy, that these Savages all as- 
Isembled at Parbre croche which is one of the thr^ Places 
that I had designated, and that it is their purpose not to re- 
move. It is certain, Monseigneur, that their Removal wotild 
Ihave been very prejudicial to the Commerce of the Upper 
! Country. 

! Pendalouan came down with the Sieur de Celoron. He 
Ibegged me to open his mouth, which he had kept closed since 
His disgrace. He Excused himself as best he could. He 
Repeated that he did not ask me to give back the Medal which 

1 had taken from him, nor to reinstate him in His dignity 
as chief, but that he begged me only to forget all that had 
happened. I answered that I was willing on condition that 

iThis refers to the locality on the Mississippi, not far below the 
mouth of the Ohio, now known as Iron Banks. Jolliet and Marquette 
noticed the T51uff (1763), and remarked on the possibility of a mine at 
that point; but Father Gravier (1700) gave a discouraging report of 
the ore. For a good description of the appearance of the bluffs, see 
Cuming's Tour" in Thwaites (ed.). Early Western Travels (Cleve- 
land, 1904), iv, p. 280.— Ed. 

2 Louis St. Ange, Sieur de Bellerive, was commandant at Vincennes 
from 1736 to 1764. See his own affidavit to that effect in Indiana Hist. 
3oc. Puhlications, ii, p. 430. — Ed. 

27 [ 41^ ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. 


he should' never do anything tO' displease me, and that, in Ac- 
cordance with the Testimony which Monsieur de Yercheres 
should give as to his Conduct, I would reinstate him' as chief. 
I sent him back with some presents. The Sieur de Celoron 
hag assured me that he was very Helpful to him in His Under«- 

The jSTontagues, [Onondaga] came dow^n this year Avith 
a Goyagouin, [Cayuga] and later the Sonontonans [Seneca] 
came. You will see, Monseigneur, by their words that these 
savages appear to be very well disposed Toward us. The 
Sieur de Joneaire has assured me that they Would at least 
be neutral If we should have a war with the English. I have 
Had the honor of Sending you these communications^ by the 
transport-ship "Canada," with my own answers of which I 
enclose a Copy. I will add, in regard to the Sonontonans, 
that I gave a Flag to them, which Theouatakoute took in His 
arms during the Council, saying to me: "My Father, I will 
die rather than let the English make me throw this down, 
and I vTill carry it among Them when passing Choueghen. 

I am very glad, Monseigneur, that His Majesty has deigned 
to approve the arrangemerit that I have made in regard to 
the hurons of Lorette and the Iroquois of the Lake of the two 
Mountains. I have noted what you have favored me Avith 
in another communication with rtrgard to what has occurred 
among the Iroquois of Sault St. Louis, which I shall Havei 
the honor of answering. 

On October 28 of last year, the great chief Ouakantape, a 
Scioux, with four other Chiefs of his Village, and several 
war-Chiefs, came to see the Sieur Marin in order to beg hi: 
to take pity on them, and to employ His influence with 
to obtain pardon for their past faults. He told them to 
down and ask for it Themselves. Ouakantape and Ouasi 
kouty^ came down with the Sieur Marin. They were acoom- 

lOuakantapi (Wakandapi) was the hereditary name of the chief of 
one tribe of Sioux. For previous mention of this tribesman, see Wis., 
Hist. Colls., xvi, p. 187, 394. Possibly Ouasikouty was of the 
coutetonsi, a tribe of western Sioux; iMd, p. 193. — Ed. 

[ 420 ] 

i'42] French Regime in Wisconsin 

panied by tlie Sakis, Eenards, Puants, folles-avoines, and 
Sauteux of la pointe de Chagouamigon. You will see, Mon- 
s ?igneur, by the speeches of all these savages, wbich I have 
1 kewise Had the honor of Sending to you with my Answers 
by the transport-ship "Canada," and of which I enclose Du- 
plicates, how they seem disposed, in which disposition I 
could not but appear at least to Trust; and in order to give 
them a greater proof of this. Upon the request which the 
former made, together with the Sakis and Kenards, to grant 
them four of their people, who were Slaves at Montreal, I 
permitted them to Take them back in case they wished to 
Follow them. Only the daughter of Ouachalart, a Fox, ac- 
cepted this permission ; which gave me an opportunity of Show- 
ing them with what mildness the French had treated them. 
And as the Seioux migl:«t think that we had dissuaded these 
Slaves from following them, I gave orders to the Sieur Marin 
to take any two they chose out of those that were captured 
in the Attack which Lacolle made On Them, in case they met 
any of them on their way back. I informed them of this in 
my Cabinet, telling them that if They behaved as they prom- 
ised to do, and if I Received certain Proofs of this, they 
might come down next year with a number of chiefs, and I 
would have all their Slaves restored, and would grant them 
a Commandant. To this Ouakantape answered that he would 
come do^VQ, but that he was not Sure as to the number who 
would come down with him. I believe, Monseigneur, that 
I could not find a better Expedient for controlling them, be- 
cause the Hope of getting back their Slaves will Eestrain 
them from all violence. 

I have seen, Monseigneur, by your favor of last year, hcW 
little success you expected from the ^Negotiations of the Sieur 
Marin, both among the Scioux and the Eenards and Sakis. 
The conviction that I had to the contrary, led me to take the 
liberty of answering on that occasion that I knew him to be 
one of the most capable men for fulfilling the mission enh 
trusted to himi. The success obtained by this officer, both 

[ 421 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

among the Scioux and witli the five other !N'ations who came 
down with him this Summer, must have proved to you, Monr 
seigneur, that the idea which I Had formed of His Talents, in 
the matter of negotiating with the savages, Was well founded. 
It is these Reasons, and also the progress whieh he has mad^ 
that decided me not to hesitate about Sending him back, 
especially as he had given His word to these savages to bring 
Them home in Safety, and as the good of the service Required 
His presence. He Wrote mie from the portage of the great 
Calumet,^ on the 16th of August last, that he had learned 
that the two war-parties, one of Outaouacs and the other of 
Sauteux from the Sault Ste. Marie, had killed a Scioux and 
a Renard. He says that he will have great Difficulty in 
arranging this trouble, but that he has neglected nothing to 
avoid any mischievous Consequences. The Sieur de Ver- 
cheres has written the same thing to me. Accordingly I flat- 
ter myself, Monseigneur, that in these circumstances you will 
approve my Ordering him to return as CJommandant. 

I am with very great Respect, Monseigneur, Your very 
humble and very obedient Servant, 

Quebec, September 24, 1742. 


Monseigneur — I have received the Letter you did me the 
honor of Writing me on the 20th of April last. 

I have already replied in the Joint answer to your despatch 
to us Jointly, containing your decision with respect to the 
Disputes that have arisen in connection with the Trade and 
Voyages in the Upper country. I will comply Strictly witih! 
what you have been pleased to order. I venture to tell you, 
Monseigneur, that you do me justice with regard to my way 

lA well-known landmark on the upper Ottawa River, around the 
Calumet Falls. This was the longest carrying place on the river, and 
named for the pipe-stone found near by, which Champlain describes 
(1613) as resembling alabaster. For a good description of this portage 
see Bain (ed.), Henry's Travels, pp. 24, 25.— Ed. 

[ 422 ] 


1 42 French Regime in Wisconsin 



: thinking Eespecting tlie matters I have to Deal with jointly 
"v^ith Monsieur Le Marquis de Beanhamois. I will always 
I my best to Maintain the union and harmony yt>u are pleased 
> recommemd to me. 

!******» ♦ 

I Eemain with very profound respect, Monseigneur, your 
very humble and very obedient Servant, 


^— Quebec, September 24, 1742. 


[Letter of Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated Oct. 1, 1742. 
I Source, same as preceding document, but fol. 77.] 

MoNSEiGNEUK — In the Letter I Had the honor of Writing 
you on the 5th of last month, I did not give you the details 
of what is going on in connection wi^h the two blacksmiths at 

I Missilimakinac. One of them belongs to the Missionary and 
receives as wages four hundred Livres and a few pots of Brandy. 
The profits on his work have sometimes Been as much as four 

I Thousand francs which go Entirely to the Father. The 
services of more than one blacksmith, are needed at that Place 
owing to the number of savages there. The other to whom 
I gave full liberty last Summer, at the request of the Savages 
— as you may see, Monseigneur, in my replies to their speeches 
— was expelled five years ago by the Missionary who took all 
his tools from him. The Sieur de Celeron, then Command- 
ant, Knowing the necessity of having a second one, advanced 
him what he needed to Enable him to Work, and the Father 
has been drawing one half of his profits although he has always 
opposed his working because he sometimes does so by Stealth, 
alleging, it is asserted, that it Was by my orders, and ithiat 
there could not be there any other blacksmith than his. I 
will Change nothing, Monseigneur, in what was arranged last 
Summer until I have received your Orders. It is a delicate 


Wisconsin Historical Collections m. 


ma.ttei' to place miyself in the Position of failing to keep my 

word with them, and I do not think it is Advisable to Offend 

the Savages of that Post in this matter. 

I remain with the most profound Respect, Monseigneur, 

Your very humble and very obedient servant 

Quebec, October 1, 1742. 


[Letter from Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated Oct. 12, 1742. 
MS. in archives of MinistSre des Colonies, Paris; pressmark, "Nouvene 
France, Postes des Pays de I'Ouest, C. 11, vol. 16, fol. 258."] i 

MoNSEiGNEUK — Siuce the Letters I Had the honor of Writ- _ 
ing you by the King's ship "le E,ubis" regarding the posts of I 
the Upper country and the parleys I held last Summer with 1 
the various Nations that came down to Montreal, I have re- 
ceived some from ffissilimackinac, la Baye, Kamanistigouia, 
fort la Eeine, Lao de® Bois, Miamis, Ouyatanons, Ouabache, 
and fort de Chartre® of which I shall have the honor to give 
you an account. 

The Sieur de Vercheres writes me on the G-th of September 
last, that he had caused to be paid to the Sieur Lamarque 
and Companjy the 56 packages that the Sieur de la Verendrye 
owed to their Firm, and had caused 24 others to be handed to 
the Sieur Legras for the goods that Pirm^ had left in the west- 
em Posts. Thus, Monseigneur, this matter is settled by viiv 
tue of The order I gave, a Copy whereof I have Had the honor 
of Sending you. 

That ofl&cer writes me that he caused tO' be delivered to the 
Scioux Chiefs who came here last Summer, the two Captives 

1 Three volumes entitled "Postes des Pays de I'Ouest" collect material 
from the correspondence of Cadillac, Duluth, the VSrendryes, etc., 
chiefly about the discovery of the Western Sea. See Canadian Archives, 
1887, pp. cclxxv-cclxxxii. — Ed. 

[ 424 ] 

French Regime in Wisconsin 

(f their N'ation tliat I had promised in my private Rboimi 
should be handed over to them from amongst those who were 
1 ) come down in la Colle's party. He writes me that the Out- 
iouaos of his Post held a Council in his presence with the 
Sakis, Eenards, Puants, Scioux, and Sauteux, in which the 
ibrmer spoke advising them not to detach themselves from mei, 
and, following their Example, to Listen to my advice and fol- 
low it; That he cannot but be satisfied with Theml as all ap*- 
■peared (judging by the answers they gave the Outaouacs) to 
Ee disposed to do my will. 

The Sieur Marin Writes me from Missilimakinac on the 
8th of Septemiber that he arrived there on the 3rd of the same 
month, and had Confirmation of the news of the blow struck 
by the Outaouacs and Sauteux of Sault S'te. Marie, at the Kon- 
ards and Scioux, when they killed a mtan, of each !N'ation. 
He adds that the Scioux anjd Eenards have not yet raised any 
band to avenge themselves for all the blows that have Been 
struck at them ; that they will not move until they have spoken 
to him^ and, moreover, that the Scioux appeared to be as much 
pleased with the two Captives the Sieur de Veroheres delivered 
to them, as with the advice I had given them on that occasion. 

The Sieur de Sacquespee Writes me from la Baye on the 
29th of August last that all Was quiet at that Poist; That the 
Sakis and Eenards had kept their word and had made no 
movement to avenge themselves for the blow struck at Them by 
the folles-avoines ; That the latter had received a Flag from 
the Sauteux of la pointe de Chagouamigon to draw them 
There. I cannot think that the folles-avoines will decide to 
leave so fertile a country as that which they occupy to go and 
live in an unfertile one. Moreover, those two Nations came 
down last Summer and there was no question of it in the 
Councils I held with Them. JiTevertheless, if the folles- 
avoines accept the Sauteux' proposal, I will do my best to Pre- 
vent the Execution thereof. Meanwhile I think the Sieur 
Marin will do all in his power to oppose it, inasmuch as such 
Migration would be contrary to the g:ood of the service, be- 
cause the Sauteux, supported by the folles-avoines, might oor- 

[ 425 ] 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi.xvii 

ruT>t the latter and break the peace they have made with the 
Scioux, and, with that object, join the Sauteiix of Sanlt Ste. 
Marie or Kamanistigouia, who have planned to continue their 
war against the Soioux as I am informed and as I have The 
honor to Explain further on. 

Father Coquart, who has returned from the post of Kam- 
anistigouia, Writes me on the 9th of last month, That, while 
the Sieur de la Verendrje's people Were at the grand port- 
age,^ the Sauteux of that Post came there to hold a Council 
with a Savage Chief of that Place, a very influential man; 
That last Spring that Chief told him he Had determined to 
strike a blow at the Scioux; That he had made many repre- 
sentations to himi, telling him that this Was acting directly 
in opposition to my orders; Tliat the result of the various • 
councils that were held. Was that the Sauteux of la Pointe 
de Chagouamigon (who came down to Montreal last Summer m 
to confirrn the Peace they had made with the Scioux) were 7 
to mislead them during a portion of the winte.r by living on 
good terms with Them; That the Scioux, thinking them- 
selves at peace and suspecting nothing, would suddenly find 
their Enemies on their Hands; That that Chief vnith the 
people of Nepigon, Kamanistigouia, Tekamamiouene, Mon- 
sonis, Cristinaux, and Assiniboels, are to fall on them, and 
Slausrhter as many of them as they can; That they are fully 
resolved to destroy them in spite of all that can be done to 
Prevent it; That that Chief is a man of decision whose 
intrepidity produces an impression on the others; That he had 
told him last spring the Scioux Were good only to be eaten, 

lAt the mouth of Kaministiquia River, on Thunder Bay, Duluth built 
a stockade fort as early as 1678. This was re-established by La Noue 
in 1717, and maintained until the close of the French regime. It com- 
manded one route to the great series of northern lakes and rivers 
which La V6rendrye was attempting to thread. An easier but longer 
passage was by way of Pigeon River, a short distance below Kaminis- 
tiquia. This latter route was known as the Grand Portags — a term 
later applied to the locality on Lake Superior. — Ed. 




m] French Regime in Wisconsin 

and that, for his part, he wanted to kill enough of themi to fee^ 
his village. 

The Sieur de la Verendrye Writes me on the 2nd and 12 th 
of May last, that he went to fort La Eeine^ on the 13th of 
October of last year; That in passing by Tekamamiouenii©* 
he found the savages singing war-songs while awaiting himi to 
fi:o and strike the Scioux; That on his arrival at Lac des Boia 
(Lake of the Woods), he found a great many Monsonis and 
Ohristinaux assembled there with the samei object; That they 
told him he must not be surprised at their going to strike the 
Scioux, and that all the nations of the Interior had received 
word to come to the rendezvous in the prairies in the mjonth 
of December last; That they did not think he would oppose 
tlieir design, as they were going to avenge French blood and 
their Chiefs that had Been killed; That he answered themi 
he Was surprised at this violent measure contrary to the pi'omr 
ise they had given him to Take no steps for a war except in 
accordance with my will, all the more so as I Was disposed 
to pardon the Scioux in consequence of the petition they had 
t>resented and caused to be presented to m©; That this would 
disturb the land afresh and bar the road to the IVench, and 
Finally, as the son of one of their great Chiefs was a Captive 
in that JN'ation, and the Sieur Marin had promised him to 
redeem him, it would not be the way to withdraw him from 
their hands if they went to strike Them. ^Notwithstanding 
all these representations to which he added presents, he could 
not succeed in Preventing them from striking the blow which 
I had the honor of Reporting to you, and which, from' what 
tliat officer writes me, will keep up that war owing to their 
losing two influential Chiefs: That they had also intended to 

iFort La Reinei was built by La Verendrye, Oct. 3, 1738, at Portage 
la Prairie on Assiniboin River, above the present Fort Garry. From 
this post the expeditions set forth that reached the Mandan, and ob- 
tained the first view of the Rocky Mountains. See Thwaites, Rocky 
Mountain Exploration (New York, 1904), pp. 29-36. 

2 La Vdrendrye's post St. Pierre, on Rainy Lake, was often called 
Tekamamiouen, from the native word for that body of water. — ^Ed. 

[ 427 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

strike the Wood Scioux/ and that, disregarding every Con- 
sideration, nothing could stop them, for they said their Shoes 
Were made for the Carrying out of their project. 

Tlie Sieur Benoist, Commandant of fort de Chartres, Wrote 
me on the 16th of May last that he had discovered a Con- 
spiracy of the Ilinois instigated by the English and the Chi- 
cachas to attack the French of his Post.-' You will find a 
copy annexed hereto, Monseigneur. He likewise Wrote to the 
Sieurs St. Ange, Commandant at Ouabache, St. Vincent^ at 
Ouyatanons, St. Pierre at Miamis and de I^oyan at Detroit 
to inform themi of this, conspiracy, and to Urge them to cause 
to pass by his Post all the Savages who might go on the war- 
path against the Chicachas, especially the hurons and the Iro- 
quois, in order to intimidate the Ilinois. The Sieur De 
I^oyan who sent me the Sieur Benoist's original Letter writes 
at the foot of that Letter that it would be impossible to De- 
ceive the Savages of his Post, because they know what is going 
on, without other Explanation, referring me to the Sieur 
Benoist's Letter, from which as well as from the Sieur De 
iNovan's remai'k, I infer that, inasmuch as no other news has 
been received from Detroit than what I Had the honor of re- 
porting to you by my Letter of the 15 th of September last 

iThe Sioux of the Woods — probably the tribe known as Wahpeton, 
whose name Indicated "dwellers among deciduous trees." See McGee, 
"Siouan Indians," in U. S. Bureau of Ethnology Report, 1893-94. — Ed. 

2 Benoist de St. Clair, a French lieutenant at Mobile between 1725- 
30; in 1740 he was appointed to the command of Fort Chartres and the 
Illinois country, where he remained three years, being superseded by 
De Bertel. In 1749-51 he was again commandant in the Illinois. A 
document of 1742 (described by Gayarr6, History of Louisiana, i, 
p. 523) speaks of the arrest of some English traders in the Illinois, 
who were to be sent to the mines of New Mexico. — Ed. 

3 Henri Albert de St. Vincent, sieur de Narcy, son of a prominent 
member of the Canadian noblesse, was ensign in 1727, lieutenant in 
1742, and captain in 1749. He was at Lorette in 1730, was sent with 
a convoy to Mackinac in 1747, and signed the capitulation of Quebec 
a759).— Ed. 




KASKASKiA Settlements 

fromThos Hutchins 

mil' will WW 

SCALC or Miua 

Adapted by Rev. Arthur E. Jones, S. J., from Thomas Hutchins's 
map in Topographical Description of Virginia, etc., drafted in 


742] French Regime in Wisconsin 

respecting the hurons, it might well happen that they are 
(oncemed in the Conspiracy of the Ilinois judging by the 
( ifficulties the Sienr De Noyan experiences in putting thean 
(in the wrong Scent with regard io the Bands they may Raise 
lo strike the Chicachas. And if to these reflections we add 
ihe conduct of the Chaouanons, this confirms what I took the 
Liberty of writing you, namely: that the English make 
use of every means to succeed in corrupting our savages, 
3acrificing moreover, in the fulfillmeuit of their design, consid- 
erable sums which they distribute in: the shape of presents in 
all the villages which they wish either to attract to them or 
to unite to the I^ations that are our Enemies. 

Such, Monseigneur, are the projects against which I have 
for a long while beeoi contending and to which I will con- 
tinue to devote special attention in order to thwart them as 
much as possible. 

* * * -x- -x- * * * 

From' all I have just had the honor of reporting to you, Mon- 
seigneur, regarding what has been written me from the various 
Posts, it may be concluded that, so long as the Chicachas, Cher- 
akis and ]N"atchez are not subdued, the English will seize every 
opportunity to win over to their interests as many !N'ations as 
they can succeed in corrupting. 

It is certain, from the Experience I have, that the Savages 
are much more difficult to restrain than they were before it was 
decided to destroy those three l!^ations, and, although I have 
acted witJi greater Circumspection toward Them^ the solicita- 
tions of the English are so pressing and their gifts to them are 
so great that virtually nothing more remains for me to do than 
to counteract the influence they have over Them, especially as 
You have done me the honor of writing me not to have those 
Hostile nations attacked by the French, without having pre- 
viously received your orders, and to content myself with getting 
the Savagesi to act. This I have Done, and on that occasion I 
treated the Scioux, Eenards, and Sakis with circumspection, to 
prevent their giving us trouble, and I may add, Monseigneur, 

[ 4291 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [vol xvii 

that I do not think, even if all the l^ations of the western Sea 
were to Fall on Them, they would strike a blow at the French, 
owinsf to the Hope I gave them that their Captives would be 
delivered to themi; and, if the Ilinois follow up their Conspir- 
acy, I do not believe I would have any difficulty in having Them 
struck by the Sakis and Renards, who have, fromi all tinaie, Been 
their declared Enemies. 

I remain with very profound Respect, Monseigneur, Your 
very humble and very obedient servant^ 

Quebec, October 12, 1742. BeauhaenOIS 


[Letter of Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated Nov. 2, 1742. 
MS. in archives of Ministdre des Colonies, Paris; pressmark, "Can- 
ada, Corresp. g6n., vol. 75, c. 11, fol. 243."] 

Monseigneur — The Sieur Marin, having written me that 
business called him back to France, begs me to ask a leave of 
absence for him so that he may go next year. You had the kind- 
ness, Monseigneur, to obtain one for him [in 1Y36]. As he 
Has been continuously detached on duty among the Savages, I 
Will be greatly obliged to you if you have the kindness to 
,2:rant it. 

I have not dared, Monseigneur, to propose to you his son for 
an Expectancy of an Ensignship of the Second class, consider- 
ing that you do not appear to be satisfied with the Father; 
however, I am persuaded, Monseigneur, that when you have 
Examined his conduct, you will be willing to obtain this favor 
for his son, who went to the Chicacha campaign although ill and 
dissuaded by the Officers. It is he who went to get the Scioux 
in their country and brought them to La Baye. Finally, Mon- 
seismeur, he is a strong and vigorous young man of Great promr 
ise ; he has the Support of all the best people, and deserves the 
favor of the King. 

I am with very great Respect, Monseigneur, Your very hunir 
ble and very obedient Servant, 

Quebec, November 2, 1742. Beauhaenois 



742] French Regime In Wisconsin 


[Letter of Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated Nov. 12, 1742. 
source, same as preceding document, but fol. 249.] 

MoNSEiGNEUE — I have at last received a Letter from Father 
<ie la Richardie whieli Was handed to me only on the 10th of 
this month. Judging by appeai'anoes it was not Believed that 
any other ships would sail. He tells me that he has Written 
me several others, but I have considered, Monseigneur, that as 
these Fathers generally Send their Letters under a flying Seal 
to their Superiors the latter Suppress them when not, in Accord- 
ance with their views. I would IsTaturally observe, Monseign- 
eur, that Duplicity is pushed too far in the proceedings of this 
Father, who writes me lastly that he has obtained the Consent 
of the hurons whom he calls his savages as if they belonged to 
him as their absolute master, that he has Induced them to Sfettle 
at la gi'ande Terre, as it was not Advisable they should do so at 
^ross isle, a plan I always opposed, because It meant their being 
tolerated there as in a place of refuge, and they might domineer 
over the Frendi. Monsieur de I^oyan says absolutely noth- 
ing in the Letter he Wrote me on his arrival at Montreal, 
and Monsieur de Beaucours writes me he Had told him he had 
Taken possession of that grosse isle in the name of the French, 
as it was not in the interest of the service that that l^atiooi 
should Establish themselves there in view of the Consequences 
that might result. 

T remain with very profound Respect, Monseigneur, Your 

very humble and very obedient Servant, 

Quebec, November 12, 1742. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

[Source, same as preceding document, but vol. 79, fol. 147.] 

List of the officers serving in the various Posts of the Colony 
in The year IIJ^S. 

Fort St frederic:^ The Sieurs De fouville, Captain, Com- 
mandant, herbin the Elder. Chevalier de Gannes. De Bois- 
hebert. Chevalier de Repentigny, 

Fort Chambly :^ The Sieur herbin the younger, Lieutenant, 

Niagara :^ The Sieurs de Raymond, lieuteaiant, Command- 
ant. Beaujeu de Yillemonde. Du Bnisson. De Gannes. 

Fort frontenac: The Sieurs de St. Ours, Captain, Com- 
mandant, Douville, doing duty as Interpreter. De Portneuf. 
Mazieres de Maisoncelles 

Missilimakinac : The Sieurs de Vercheres, Captain, Com- 
mandant De Gaspe.^ 

Detroit: The Sieurs Chevalier de Longueuil, Captain Com- 
mandant ° C^oizille de Courtemanche. 

Nepigon : The Sieur Chevalier de Kamezay, Captain, Com- 


1 Crown Point, on Lalce Champlain, where Fort St. Fr6d6ric was built 
in 1731. The French post at this place was abandoned and destroyed 
in 1759.— Ed. 

2 The fort at Chambly wae built in 1665 as an outpost to protect 
the colony against the Iroquois. — Ed. 

sFor Fort Niagara see Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, p. 128, note 1. — Ed. 

4lgnace Aubert, dit de Gaspg, was born in 1714 and married (1745) 
Marie-Anne Coulon de Villiers. In 1739 he was appointed ensign, 
lieutenant in 1749, and captain in 1756. — Ed. 

5 Paul Joseph le Moyne de Longueuil, second baron of that name, was 
fion of Charles, the first baron, for whom sea ante, p. 10, note 2. He 
was one of the most prominent officers of New France, being later made 
colonel and governor of Three Rivers, which position he held at the 
time of the English conquest (1759). — Ed. 

6 Later lieutenant-colonel of colonial troops, and lieutenant for the 
king at Quebec. — ^Ed. 


743] French Regime in Wisconsin 

Riviere St. Josepib: The Siemr Chevalier de Villiers, En- 
ign, Commandant.^ 

f Chiyatanons : The Sienr de la PeiTiere, Ensign, Com- 

Miamis: The Sieur St. Pierre de Repentigny, Lieutenant, 

Chagouamigon : The Sieur de Laronde, Ensign, Command- 

Kamanistigouia: The Sieur La Corne du Breuil, Ensign, 

La Baye: The Sieur de Lusignan, Lieutenant^ Command- 

Westemi Posts: The Sieur de la Verendrye, Lieutenant, 


[A description of the process of lead-mining in the Galena district is 
given, from a contemporary document, in Wis. Hist. Colls., xiii, pp. 
276, 277. The citation therp should be Butterfield, History of Grant 
County, TTw. ^v;uicago, 1881), p. 393.] 


[Letter of Varin to the French Minister, dated June 26, 1743. MS. 
in archives of Minist^re des Colonies, Paris; pressmark, "Canada, Cor- 
resp. g6n., vol. 80, c. 11, fol. 298."] 

MoNSEiGNEUR — I have the honor to report that MonsiefuH 
Hocquart left on the 3rd of this month for Montreal and 

iFor the family of Coulon de Villiers see ante, p. 188, note 1.— Ed. 

2FranQois Clement Boucher, Sieur de la PerriSre, born in 1708, ap- 
pointed ensign in 1736, lieutenant in 1748, captain in 1756, and killed 
at the siege of Quebec, Sept. 13, 1759. He was the son of R6n6 Boucher, 
Sieur de la PerriSre, for whom see ante, p. 16, note 1. — Ed. 

sFrangois Josue de la Corne Dubreuil was born in 1710. After his 
service at Kaministiquia, he was raised to a lieutenancy, and died in 
Quebec in 1754.— Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

reached there on the 9th. This journey was iindertaken in con- 
nection with the arrangements to be made regarding the posts 
of the upper Country four of which were farmed out on the 26th 
of March last, a list whereof is annexed, and also with the dis- 
sensions that have arisen for some months between the Officers 
of the Montreal jurisdiction and to which he has put an end 

since his arrival there as he has written me. 

* -;<- ^^ •«■ * * * * 

I remain with very profound respect, Monseigneur, Your 
very humble and very Obedient servant^ 

Quebec, June 26, 1743. 

[Enclosure in above. Source same as preceding document, but vol. 
79, fol. 79.] 

Posts of the upper Country farmed out at the sale hy auction 
held on the 26th of March, 1743, at the Chateau St. Louis. 
To Wit: 


This post has no Temiscamingue adjudged to 
Commandant . the Sieur Goguet for Ma- 
dame Bouat^ at 5,600 livers 
Michipicoton adjudged to the 
Idem Sieur Gatineau"^ at 3,750 


1 Jean Victor Varin, Sieur de la Mare, was a councillor and the comp-' 
troller of the marine for the colony. He was the son of Sieur de la 
Sabloni^re, a gendarme of the king's guard, who had come to Canada 
after serving under James II of England. — Ed. 

2 Goguet was a common surname in New France; probably this was 
Denis, a merchant of Quebec, who married there in 1738. Agathe le 
Gardeur was the widow of Frangois-Marie Bouat, a former lieutenant- 
general of Montreal, who died in 1726. — ^Ed. 

sjean Baptiste Duplessis Gatineau, born in 1671, died in 1750. He 
served as captain of the militia in his district. — ^Ed. 



r43] French Regime in Wisconsin 

T lere is an officer Tlie Wiatanons adjudged to 

in Command at TTie Sieiir de Voisy^ at 3,000 

^this Post 
La Baye, including the Soioux, 
adjudged to the Sieur de 
Idem la Gorgendiere/ who has 

Jti'ansferred the same to the 
Sieur daillebout and other 
voyageurs at 8,100 

20,450 livres 


[Letter of Beauharnois to the French Minister, dated Sept. 18, 1743. 
aource, same as preceding document, but vol. 79, fol. 115.] 

MoNSEiGNEUR — I have received the Letter you did me the 
honor of writing me on the 31st of May last, 

I noted what you do me the honor of telling me regarding the 
care you recommended me to take to Prevent the union of the 
Sioux with the Rienards, the motives whereof seemed all the 
more solid to you, Monseigneur, that what was written you in 
the month of February last by Monsieur de Bienville,^ justifies 
the suspicions you had regarding the unfortunate consequences 
that might result from such Union. With regard to the first 

1 Sieur de Voisy was a resident of the lower town of Quebec, where 
his house was burned during the English bombardment of that city 
in 1759.— Ed. 

2 Joseph de Fleury, Sieur de la Gorgendi6re, a son of a governor of 
Montreal, was born 1676; in 1702 he married Claire, daughter of Louis 
Jolliet, the explorer, and died in 1755. — Ed. 

3 Jean Baptiste le Moyne, Sieur de Bienville, was born in Canada in 
1680; he accompanied his brother Iberville upon the expedition which 
founded Louisiana, and was himself governor thereof during 1718-25 
and 1733-42. He died in Paris in 1767.— Ed. 

28 [435] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

Item concerning tli© recommendation you were pleased to con- 
vey to me to separate the Sioux from the Eenards, I had the 
honor, Monseigneur, in my letter of the 24th of September of 
last year, to report the steps taken by the Sioux, as well as the 
Sakis and Renards, to approach me and the reasons that in- 
duced them to do so. I annexed to that despatch the speeches 
of those Savages and my replies thereto, and I took the liberty 
of pointing out, Monseigneur, that in view of the favorable dis- 
positions with which they seemed animated, I could not at 
least avoid appearing to believe them. With regard to that ob- 
iect and to that which includes the news communicated to you 
bv Monsieur de Bienville, I would add that it seemed contrary 
to the welfare of the service and to the peace it is Sought to 
establish that I should reject the application the Sioux had come 
to make to me, and the difficulties Were no less Embarassing as 
regards breaking off the union that reigned between the Sioux 
and the Renards before both had decided to come to me and sue 
for Peace. Whatever Knowledge one may have — and I myself 
have studied it — of the Turbulence of the sioux and the Spirit 
of revenge wherewith the Renards may be animated, the plan 
of calming Minds by Conciliatory means Seemed the only one 
it was possible for me to adopt under the circumstances. For, 
had the Sioux' promises been rejected, how could we secure our- 
selves against tlieir resentment while endeavoring at the same 
time to maintain tranquillity in the Posts, when the- difficulties ij 
of subduing themi by force seem insurmountable ? On the otlier|| 
hand, it did not seem possible tO' separ'ate the Renards from the 
Sioux' interests judging by the Close friendship that seemed to 
exist betweem them when they came down with the Sieur Marin, 
and even if it could be done, it could result only in kindling a 
fresh war between the ^tsTations and in interrupting tranquillity 
in all the Posts more than ever. Moreover, Monseigneur, the 
conduct of both since they came down with the Sieur Maria 
cannot make me regret tiie attitude I took toward them, and al- 
thoufifh I cannot warrant how long those savages will keep their 
promises, circumstances do not permit of my acting otherwise 
than I have done. I think the drawbacks would have been nml-, 

[ 436 ] 

1 43j French Regime in Wisconsin 

t: plied instead of obviated had I endeavored to break off the 
11 ^ion between those !N^ations rather than allow it to subsist, be- 
ciuse, as I have taken the liberty of pointing out to you^ 
JiEonseigneur, if the change in the Sioux be apparmit only, 
We are not in Position to make them more sincere by force; 
and if, on the other Hand, the Eenards are dissembling their 
T'Ssentment and have no other objects in view than the steps they 
have taken to unite with the Sioux, any precautions on. my part 
to Prevent this would be useless; and, as a final refleotion, I 
would add that if no reliance can be placed om the promises of 
the Eenards, much less could any be placed on those they might 
make to break off their friendship with a !N'ation such aa the 
Sioux, whom they Look upon as a safe refuge if they have any 
evil designs, and against whom it is very far from their interest 
to declare themselves. 

The considerations I have just had the honor Ito present to 
you, Mon seigneur, with regard to those savages, lead me to Hope 
that you will approve my conduct Respecting them, and I ven- 
I ture to assure you that if I hitd the means of imposing a law on 
I them and of making them observe it, there would be nothing to 
fear from their dissimulation or their resentment. In any case 
I will have the Renards' actions closely watched, and I have 
given my orders in consequence to the Sieur de Lusignan whom 
I have Sent in the place of the Sieur Marin. Those savages 
as well as the Sakis are all assembled at the place indicated to 
them by that officer with the exception of ten Cobins that ta& 
at Ohikagou and two at Meloaky [Milwaukee]. I have the 
honor to append the speeches of those liTations and the amswere 
I gave them in the same council wherein I assembled them all 
Expressly to settle the affair that had occurred on the part of 
the Ouasses Sauteux^ of Kamanistigouia vdth Regard to the 
Sioux, Sakis and Renards. They all went away satisfied, the 

iFor a description of this Chippewa tribe, whose usual habitat was 
between the Michipicoten and Nipigon rivers, see Thwaites, Earlp 
Western Travels, ii, p. 134.— Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. 


Ouasses having above all assured them that they had not yet 
been informed at the time that I had withdrawn my Tomahawk 
and that I wished them to remain quiet. So I do not think 
that affair will have any other consequences. 

I also append the words of the Sioux, Sakis, and Renard 
Chiefs to the Sieur Marin during last winter and Spring. 

I had been informed of the secret plots that were being 
hatched between the llinois and the Chicaohas. The formier 
endeavored to clear themselves of the suspicions to which tiieir 
dealings with the Ohioaehas had given rise, but, whatever they 
do, they are a. Nation that it is necessary to watch, and that is 
what I recommend to the officers of the Poets in their Country 
not to forget. 

I was not informed, Monseigneur, of the news you received 
from Monsieur de Bienville regarding the Chicadias leaving 
their lands to withdraw in the direction of Carolina, nor that 
some have already taken: that Road. It may be that they have 
taken that step owing to theii* losses, but it seems to me that thia 
news needs confirmation. 

In any case I will continue to Urge the Nations of this Coun- 
try to harass them, until I am informed that it is necessarj^ to 
cease doing so. Several bands went there last Spring, without 
counting that which the hurons propose to raise when they have 
put their village in Order. 

I remain with very profound Respect, Monseigneur, Your 
very humble and very obedient servant, ' 


Quebec, September 18, 1743. 



im French Regime in Wisconsin 


[Extract from a letter of Beauharnols to the French Minister, dated 
Oct. 13, 1743. Source, same as preceding document, but fol. 167.] 


MoNSEiGNEUE — I am really mortified, Monseigneui^, that you 
fire sorry to see the expenses for the Savages increasing every 
year. I venture, however, to assure you that I contract them 
only in cases where the Service absolutely requires it; and the 
fi^eater or lesser importance of the matters of which I have to 
treat with the different I^ations can not render this expense 
other than shifting, increasing or diminishing According to cir^ 
cumstanees. I know, Monseigneur, that the presents were con- 
siderable last year on account of tliose I had to make to the 
Sioux, Sakis, and Renards, which I had the honor of reporting 
to you. The motives of their oomiing and the advantages we 
may Hope from the promises which they have made to me, 
Required that I should send them away oonteait, which can 
only be accomplished ini this Way. Although these as well as 
other Savages Have come down this Summer in great numbers, 
presents of this sort will not amount to nearly as much as they 
did last year, If, as I naturally presume, no other expenses are 
Included with them ; and I Beg you to believe that, as far as I 
am concerned, nothing is Included except what I can not refuse 
for the good of the Service. 

I had the honor of informing you, Monseigneur, in my com- 
munication of September 16, in regard to the disposition in 
which the Sioux, as well as the Sakis and Renards, continue to 
remain, and I have nothing further to add. 

As regards the Sieur Marin, I had anticipated the intentions 
of Hlis Majesty, in giving to the Sieur de Lusigntan the Oomr 
niand of the Post at La Baye, for which I had destined the 
former, less with a view of having him profit by the advantages 

iThe first part of this letter, relating to the mission Indians and the 
(roquois, is found in N. Y. Colon. Docs., ix, pp. 1095-1099.— Ed. 

[ 439' ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 

whicli this Post might offer, than of having, him succeed, as he 
has done, in the mission with which I had charged him, and for 
which, Monseigaeur, he Was eminently fitted, by his talents 
and by the Reputation which he Has acquired among the Na- 
tions. The progress which he has miade has thus far answered 
my expectations; and I can give him no more Solid marks of 
the Satisfaction I feel with these negotiations, which I have 
Had the honor of reporting to you, than in Begging you to 
grant him your favor, of which X venture to assure you that he 
is worthy. I can not refuse the same testimony to His son, 
who has succeeded in the details which the Sieur Marin en- 
trusted to him in these Negotiations as completely as could be 

I am with very great respect, Monseigneur, your very humble 
and very obedient servant, * 

Quebec, October 13, 1743. 


[Letter from Beauhamois to the French Minister, dated Oct. 9, 1844. 
Bource, same as preceding document, but vol. 81, fol. 160.] 

MoNSEiGNEUK — ^I havo received the Letter you did me the 
honor of writing me on the 30th of ]\rarch last. 

The hurons who came back from Sandoske to Settle at la 
grande Terre below Detroit, manifest no intention of Changing 
that Settlement, and the Idea they formerly had of Going away 
seems to have Completely Vanished. I am also satisfied with!, 
the manner in which the}^ received the Collar and the hatchet! 
I caused to be given them by the Sieur de Longueuil on The 
occasion of the Declaration of War.^ I append the answers 

I'The War of the Austrian Succession, known in America as King 
George's War, broke out early in 1744. Beauharnois received news of 
the declaration of hostilities in the late spring or early summer of this 
year. — ^Ed. ; {"^IS 

[ 440 ] 

French Regime in Wisconsin 

hey gave, and I am to a certain extent convinced that next 
vinter they will (as they promised me) attack the English Set- 
lements and especially those of la Belle Eiviere a report on 
vhioh I had the honor of sending you in one of my despatches.^ 
Mloreover, it seems to me that the Sieur dc Longueuil gives to 
the serv^ice of that Post all the care I recommiended him to take 
in Governing the Savages, and so far, Monseigneur, I have only 
good Reports to give yon of him. 

Father Degonor who v^nt up to Detroit last year to relieve 
Father de la Eichardie came back last Summer on account of 
his illness which even compels him to return to France.^ Father 
de la Eichardie has remained in charge of the Mission of that 
Post. For the past two years there has not been any question 
of the causes of complaint I had against him, and I think his 
reflections since then will induce him to behave in k different 
mianner from that in which he acted Tow^ard md in the past. 

I admit, Monseigneur, that Monsieur hocquart and myself 
have considered the Appointment of a stationary Commandant 
at Detroit as one of the surest means of hastening the Settle- 
ment of that Post, and, if it appeared to you that I Opposed 
your first idea, the reflections that have since occurred to me 
are those I have thought well founded for the reasons I had the 
honor to lay before you last year, and to which I have nothing 
to add. Moreover witli regard to the fresh Information you are 
pleased to ask of me on this subject, I will await His Majesty's 
orders respecting what he may deem' advisable to decide in Con- 
nection with that Commandant, either to make him stationary, 
or to leave Matters on their present footing. 

I have not ceased, Monseigneur, to devote my attention to 
maintaining Peace between the Sioux and the Western E'ations 
as well as with the Sauteux of Gamanistigouia and la pointe. 
I have also instructed the Sieur de Noyelle who went to relieve 

iSee N. Y. Colon. Docs., ix, pp. 1103-1109, for Beauharnois's reports 
of the arrangements made for war upon the English colonies. — ^Ed. 

2 Note on margin of original MS., apparently in Beauharnois's hand- 
writing: "He did not go after all." 

[ 441 ] 

Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xru 

the Sieur de ]a Vereudrye 1:o spare no Effort, not only to Main- 
tain peace amongst the western IN'ations, but also to Induce 
til em to m.ake some incursions against the English in that coun- 
try and I have given the same OrJers in the other Posts. But 
whatever precautions and care may be taken to restrain those 
savages, it is rather difficult to Prevent the hatred they have 
borne one another for a great many years from manifesting it- 
self occasionally by slight acts of T'reachery which they commit 
Amongst themselves and which happen at the very moment they 
are supposed to be reconciled judging by appearances and by 
their mutual promises. Such was the conduct of some Sioux 
last winter toward the sauteux: of la pointie de Ohagouamigon 
one of whose men they killed in the Winter quarters while they 
sent another back to tlie village after cutting off his ears. I 
have taken every precaution to Endeavor tO' stay the conse- , 
quences of this affair, But as soon as we have succeeded in set- m 
tling it, perhaps some other deed will be committed in another 
direction, either by some Giddy-pates while intoxicated, or by 
restless Spirits, in wliich the villages take no part. This leads 
mie to take the liberty of telling you that we cannot Entirely 
conerratulate ourselves on miaintaining a very lasting peace 
amongst those !N'ations, nor on Completely Kemoving from their 
minds, the hatred they have of one another, especially the west- 
ern Nations, who cannot forget a former act of treachery 
whereof the Sioux were guilty against theani and the memory 
whereof they have promised one another to retain for ever. In £| 
any case, Monseigneur, I have everything done that is possible T 
in order to keep them in restraint as far as I can, and the sub- J_ 
ject is of too great importance to allow of my neglecting any- 
thing that may depend on me. 

I will comply, Monseigneur, with what His Majesty is 
pleased to recommend to me Regarding the farming of the j 
Posts. I have already had the honor of telling you that I would 
take, in what concerns me, all the precautions in my power to 
obviate the drawbacks I Foresaw in the farming of those Posts. 
I should be much pleased, Monseigneur, were none to arise. 



] French Regime in Wisconsin 

]}ut the posts of Niagara and fort Frontenac, by the manner in 
^7hich they are Exploited, seem already to confirm! wliat I had 
it first thought regarding the farmers of those Posts. In Fact) 
Monseignenr, the Commandants at those Placas did not cease 
this Smmner, and latterly the Sieur do Cfeloron, to send me 
representations respecting the great number of Canoes that 
came to those Posts to Trade laden with Furs and Beaver skins, 
which they were obliged to go and trade at Choueghen, because 
the Store-houses of those two Posts were in nowise supplied with 
the goods and Effects required for the Trade ; and it is estimated 
that more than six hundred packages went out from Niagara 
and were taken to Choueghen. Moreover the goods there are at 
such a price as to Completely disgust the savages. And as 
these two matters seem to me to affect the general welfare of 
the colony's trade, — ^the only thing I have Ever Considered — I 
have expressed my opinion thereon to the Sieur Chalet^ who 
Exploits those Posts. With reference to the first Point, he re^ 
plied to me that he had supplied the Posts with everything it 
was possible for him to send, and, as to the other, that if he 
had to lower the price of his goods, he would prefer to cancel 
his lease and that the trade should be carried on for the King's 
Account. I thought, Monseigneur, that the obligation I am 
under to report to you what happens in this Celony Eiequired 
me to inform you of these Circumstances, to which you will be 
pleased to devote such attention as you may deem necessary, as 
I myself can apply no remedy, although the subject is of the 
highest importance. 

I have the honor to Send you the List of the Officers who are 
on Duty in the various Posts this year. 

I remain, with very profound Respect, Monseigneur, Your 

very humble and very obedient servant, 

Quebec, October 9, 1744. 

1 Francois Chalet, a merchant of Brest, born in 1705, was director in 
.Canada for the associates of La Compagnie des Indes-Occidentales. 
He died at Quebec in 1747.— Ed. 


Wisconsin Historical Collections [voi. xvu 


[Extract from a letter of Beauharnois and Hocquart to the Fre